VII. ASTROLOGY AND MAGIC.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bouche-Leclercq's book L'astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899) makes it unnecessary to refer to the earlier works of Saumaise (De annis climactericis, 1648), of Seiffarth (Beitraege sur Lit. des alten Aegypten, II, 1883), etc. Most of the facts cited by us are taken from that monumental treatise, unless otherwise stated.—A large number of new texts has been published in the Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum (9 vols. ready, Brussels, 1898).—Franz Boll, Sphaera (Leipsic, 1903) is important for the history of the Greek and barbarian constellations (see Rev. archeol., 1903, I, p. 437).—De la Ville de Mirmont has furnished notes on L'astrologie en Gaule au Ve siecle (Rev. des Etudes anciennes, 1902, pp. 115 ff.; 1903, pp. 255 ff.; 1906, p. 128). Also in book form, Bordeaux, 1904. The principal results of the latest researches have been outlined to perfection by Boll, Die Erforschung der {271} antiken Astrologie (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altert., XI), 1908, pp. 104 ff.—For the bibliography of magic, cf. infra, notes, 58 ff.

1. Stephan. Byzant. (Cat. codd. astr., II, p. 235), I, 12: [Greek: Exochotate kai pases epistemes despoina]. Theophil. Edess., ibid., V, 1, p. 184: [Greek: Hoti pason timiotera technon]. Vettius Valens, VI, proem. (ibid., V, 2, p. 34, 7 = p. 241, 19, Kroll ed.): [Greek: Tis gar ouk an krinai tauten ten theorian pason prouchein kai makariotaten tunchanein].

2. Cf. Louis Havet, Revue bleue, Nov., 1905, p. 644.

3. Cf. supra, p. 146, p. 123.

4. Kroll, Aus der Gesch. der Astrol. (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altertum, VII), 1901, pp. 598 ff. Cf. Boll, Cat. codd. astr., VII, p. 130.

5. The argumentation of Posidonius, placed at the beginning of the Tetrabiblos, inspired the defense of astrology, and it has been drawn upon considerably by authors of widely different spirit and tendencies, see Boll, Studien ueber Claudius Ptolemaeus, 1894, pp. 133 ff.

6. Suetonius, Tib., 69.

7. Suetonius, Othon, 8; cf. Bouche-Leclercq, p. 556, n. 4.

8. On these edifices, cf. Maass, Tagesgoetter, 1902. The form "Septizonia" is preferable to "Septizodia"; cf. Schuerer, Siebentaegige Woche (Extr. Zeitschr. neutestam. Wissensch., VI), 1904, pp. 31, 63.

9. Friedlaender, Sittengesch., I, p. 364. It appears that astrology never obtained a hold on the lower classes of the rural population. It has a very insignificant place in the folklore and healing arts of the peasantry.

10. Manilius, IV, 16.—For instance CIL, VI, 13782, the epitaph of a Syrian freedman: "L. Caecilius L. l(ibertus) Syrus, natus mense Maio hora noctis VI, die Mercuri, vixit ann. VI dies XXXIII, mortuus est IIII Kal. Iulias hora X, elatus est h(ora) III frequentia maxima." Cf. Bucheler, Carm. epigr., 1536: "Voluit hoc astrum meum."

11. Chapter [Greek: Peri deipnou]: Cat. codd. astr., IV, p. 94. The precept: "Ungues Mercurio, barbam Iove, Cypride crinem," {272} ridiculed by Ausonius, (VII, 29, p. 108, Piper) is well known. There are many chapters [Greek: Peri onuchon, Peri himation], etc.

12. Cat. codd. astr., V, 1 (Rom.) p. 11, cod. 2, f. 34: [Greek: Peri tou ei echei megan rhina ho gennetheis. Poteron porne genetai he gennetheisa.]

13. Varro, De re rustica, I, 37, 2; cf. Pliny, Hist. nat., XVI, 75, Sec. 194. Olympiod, Comm. in Alcibiad Plat., p. 18 (ed. Creuzer, 1821): [Greek: Tous hieratikos zontas estin idein me apokeiromenous auxouses tes selenes]. This applies to popular superstition rather than to astrology.

14. CIL, VI, 27140 = Buecheler, Carmina epigraph., 1163: "Decepit utrosque Maxima mendacis fama mathematici."

15. Palchos in the Cat. codd. astr., I, pp. 106-107.

16. Manilius, IV, 386 ff., 866 ff. passim.

17. Vettius Valens, V, 12 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 32 = p. 239, 8, Kroll ed.); cf. V, 9 (Cat., V, 2, p. 31, 20 = p. 222, 11 Kroll ed.).

18. Cf. Steph. Byz., Cat. codd. astr., II, p. 186. He calls both [Greek: stochasmos entechnos]. The expression is taken up again by Manuel Comnenus (Cat., V, 1, p. 123, 4), and by the Arab Abou-Mashar [Apomasar] (Cat., V, 2, p. 153).

19. The sacerdotal origin of astrology was well known to the ancients; see Manilius, I, 40 ff.

20. Thus in the chapter on the fixed stars which passed down to Theophilus of Edessa and a Byzantine of the ninth century, from a pagan author who wrote at Rome in 379; cf. Cat. codd. astrol., V, 1, pp. 212, 218.—The same observation has been made in the manuscripts of the Cyranides, cf. F. de Mely and Ruelle, Lapidaires grecs, II, p. xi. n. 3.—See also Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 31 ff.; Boll, Die Erforsch. der antiken Astrologie, pp. 110 ff.

21. In Vettius Valens, III, 12 (p. 150, 12 Kroll ed.) and IX, prooem. (p. 329, 20); cf. VI, prooem. (p. 241, 16); Riess, Petosiridis et Necheps. fragm., fr. 1.

22. Vettius Valens, IV, 11 (Cat. codd, astr., V, 2, p. 86 = p. 172, 31 ff., Kroll ed.), cf. V, 12, (Cat., ibid., p. 32 = p. 238, 18 ff.), VII prooem. (Cat., p. 41 = p. 263, l. 4, Kroll ed. and the note). {273}

23. Firmicus Maternus, II, 30, VIII, prooem. and 5. Cf. Theophilus of Edessa, Cat., V, 1, p. 238, 25; Julian of Laod., Cat., IV, p. 104, 4.

24. CIL, V, 5893.—Chaeremon, an Egyptian priest, was also an astrologer.

25. Souter, Classical Review, 1897, p. 136; Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, II, p. 566, 790.

26. On the Stoic theory of sympathy see Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 28 ff., passim. A brilliant account will be found in Proclus, In remp. Plat., II, 258 f., Kroll ed. Cf. also Clem. Alex., Strom., VI, 16, p. 143 (p. 504, 21, Staehelin ed.)—Philo attributed it to the Chaldeans (De migrat. Abrahami, 32, II, p. 303, 5, Wendland):

[Greek: Chaldaioi ton allon anthropon ekpeponekenai kai diapherontos dokousin astronomian kai genethlialogiken, ta epigeia tois meteorois kai ta ourania tois epi ges harmozomenoi kai hosper dia mousikes logon ten emmelestaten sumphonian tou pantos epideiknumenoi tei ton meron pros allela koinoniai kai sumpatheiai, topois men diezeugmenon, sungeneiai de ou dioikismenon.]

27. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, Realenc., s. v. "Aberglaube," I, col. 38 f.

28. (No note with this number in original book—Transcriber.).

29. Cat., V, 1, p. 210, where a number of other examples will be found.

30. See Boll, Sphaera (passim), and his note on the lists of animals assigned to the planets, in Roscher, Lexikon Myth., s. v. "Planeten," III, col. 2534; cf. Die Erforsch. der Astrologie, p. 110, n. 3.

31. Cat., V, 1, pp. 210 ff.

32. Cf. supra, ch. V. pp. 128 ff.

33. Cf. supra, ch. V, n. 87.

34. On worship of the sky, of the signs of the zodiac, and of the elements, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 85 ff., 98 ff., 108 ff.

35. The magico-religious notion of sanctity, of mana, appeared in the idea and notation of time. This has been shown by Hubert in his profound analysis of La representation du temps dans la religion et la magie (Progr. ec. des Hautes-Etudes), 1905 = Melanges hist. des rel., Paris, 1909, p. 190.

36. On the worship of Time see Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 20, {274} 74 ff.; of the seasons: ibid., pp. 92 ff. There is no doubt that the veneration of time and its subdivisions (seasons, months, days, etc.) spread through the influence of astrology. Zeno had deified them; see Cicero, Nat. D., II, 63 (= von Arnim, fr. 165): "Astris hod idem (i. e. vim divinam) tribuit, tum annis, mensibus, annorumque mutationibus." In conformity with the materialism of the Stoics these subdivisions of time were conceived by him as bodies (von Arnim, loc. cit., II, fr. 665; cf. Zeller, Ph. Gr., IV, p. 316, p. 221). The later texts have been collected by Drexler in Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. "Men," II, col. 2689. See also Ambrosiaster, Comm. in epist. Galat., IV, 10 (Migne, col. 381 B). Egypt had worshiped the hours, the months, and the propitious and adverse years as gods long before the Occident; see Wiedemann, loc. cit. (infra, n. 64) pp. 7 ff.

37. They adorn many astronomical manuscripts, particularly the Vaticanus gr. 1291, the archetype of which dates back to the third century of our era; cf. Boll, Sitzungsb. Akad. Muenchen, 1899, pp. 125 ff., 136 ff.

38. Piper, Mythologie der christl. Kunst, 1851, II, pp. 313 f. Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 220.

39. Bidez, Berose et la grande annee in the Melanges Paul Fredericq, Brussels, 1904, pp. 9 ff.

40. Cf. supra, pp. 126, 158 f.

41. When Goethe had made the ascent of the Brocken, in 1784, during splendid weather, he expressed his admiration by writing the following verses from memory, (II, 115): "Quis caelum possit, nisi caeli munere, nosse Et reperire deum, nisi qui pars ipse deorum est?"; cf. Brief an Frau von Stein, No. 518, (Schoell) 1885, quoted by Ellis in Noctes Manilianae, p. viii.

42. This idea in the verse of Manilius (n. 41, cf. IV, 910), and which may be found earlier in Somnium Scipionis (III, 4; see Macrobius, Comment. I, 14, Sec. 16; "Animi societatem cum caelo et sideribus habere communem"; Pseudo-Apul., Asclepius, c. 6, c. 9. Firmicus Maternus, Astrol., I, 5, Sec. 10). dates back to Posidonius who made the contemplation of the sky one of the sources of the belief in God (Capelle, Jahrb. {275} fuer das klass. Altertum, VIII, 1905, p. 534, n. 4), and it is even older than that, for Hipparchus had already admitted a "cognationem cum homine siderum, animasque, nostras partem esse caeli" (Pliny, Hist. nat., II, 26, Sec. 95).

43. Vettius Valens, IX, 8 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 123 = p. 346, 20, Kroll ed.), VI, prooem. (Cat., ibid. p. 34, p. 35, 14 = p. 242, 16, 29, Kroll ed.); cf. the passages of Philo collected by Cohn, De opificio mundi, c. 23, p. 24, and Capelle, loc. cit.

44. Manilius, IV, 14.

45. Cf. my article on L'eternite des empereurs (Rev. hist. litt. relig., I), 1898, pp. 445 ff.

46. Reitzenstein, to whom belongs the credit of having shown the strength of this astrological fatalism (see infra, n. 57), believes that it developed in Egypt, but surely he is wrong. In this connection see the observations of Bousset, Goetting. gel. Anzeigen, 1905, p. 704.

47. The most important work is unfortunately lost: it was the [Greek: Peri heimarmenes] by Diodorus of Tarsus. Photius has left us a summary (cod. 223). We possess a treatise on the same subject by Gregory of Nyssa (P. G., XLV, p. 145). They were supported by the Platonist Hierocles (Photius, cod. 214, p. 172 b.).—Many attacks on astrology are found in St. Ephraim, Opera syriaca, II, pp. 437 ff.; St. Basil (Hexaem., VI, 5), St. Gregory of Nazianzen, St. Methodus (Symp., P. G., XVII, p. 1173); later in St. John Chrysostom, Procopus of Gaza, etc. A curious extract from Julian of Halicarnassus has been published by Usener, Rheinisches Mus., LV, 1900, p. 321.—We have spoken briefly of the Latin polemics in the Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig., VIII, 1903, pp. 423 f. A work entitled De Fato (Bardenhewer, Gesch. altchr. Lit., I, p. 315) has been attributed to Minucius Felix; Nicetas of Remesiana (about 400) wrote a book Adversus genethlialogiam (Gennadius, Vir. inl., c. 22), but the principal adversary of the mathematici was St. Augustine (Civ. Dei, c. 1 ff.; Epist., 246, ad Lampadium, etc.). See also Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, p. 172, n. 2.

48. The influence of the astrological ideas was felt by the Arabian paganism before Mohammed; see supra, ch. V, n. 57. {276}

49. Dante, Purg., XXX, 109 ff.—In the Convivio, II, ch. XIV, Dante expressly professes the doctrine of the influence of the stars over human affairs.—The church succeeded in extirpating the learned astrology of the Latin world almost completely at the beginning of the Middle Ages. We do not know of one astrological treatise, or of one manuscript of the Carlovingian period, but the ancient faith in the power of the stars continued in secret and gained new strength when Europe came in contact with Arabian science.

50. Bouche-Leclercq devotes a chapter to them (pp. 609 ff.).

51. Seneca, Quaest. Nat., II, 35: "Expiationes et procurationes nihil aliud esse quam aegrae mentis solatia. Fata inrevocabiliter ius suum peragunt nec ulla commoventur prece." Cf. Schmidt, Veteres philosophi quomodo iudicaverint de precibus, Giessen, 1907, p. 34.—Vettius Valens, V, 9, (Catal. codd. astr., V, 2 p. 30, 11 = p. 220, 28, Kroll ed.), professes that [Greek: Adunaton tina euchais e thusiais epinikesai ten ex arches katabolen k. t. l.], but he seems to contradict himself, IX, 8 (p. 347, 1 ff.).

52. Suetonius, Tib., 69: "Circa deos ac religiones neglegentior, quippe addictus mathematicae, plenusque persuasionis cuncta fato agi." Cf. Manilius, IV.

53. Vettius Valens, IX, 11 (Cat. codd. astr., V, 2, p. 51, 8 ff. = p. 355, 15. Kroll ed.), cf. VI, prooem. (Cat., p. 33 = p. 240, Kroll).

54. "Si tribuunt fata genesis, cur deos oratis?" reads a verse of Commodianus (I, 16, 5). The antinomy between the belief in fatalism and this practice did not prevent the two from existing side by side, cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 120, 311; Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 431.—The peripatetic Alexander of Aphrodisias who fought fatalism in his [Greek: Peri heimarmenes], at the beginning of the third century, and who violently attacked the charlatanism and cupidity of the astrologers in another book (De anima mantissa, p. 180, 14, Bruns), formulated the contradiction in the popular beliefs of his time (ibid., p. 182, 18):

[Greek: Pote men anthropoi to tes heimarmenes humnousin hos anankaion, pote de ou pantei ten sunecheian autes pisteuousi sozein; kai gar hoi dia ton logon huper autes hos ouses anankaias diateinomenoi sphodra kai panta anatithentes autei, en tais kata ton bion praxesin ouk eoikasin autei pepisteukenai;] {277} [Greek: Tuchen goun pollakis epiboontai, allen homologountes einai tauten aitian tes heimarmenes; alla kai tois theois ou dialeipousin euchomenoi, hos dunamenon tinos hup' auton dia tas euchas genesthai kai para ten heimarmenen; ... kai manteiais ouk oknousi chresthai, hos enon autois, ei promathoien, phulaxasthai ti ton heimarmenon ... apithanotatai goun eisin auton hai pros ten touton sumphonian heuresilogiai.] Cf. also De Fato, c. 2 (p. 165, 26 ff. Bruns).

55. Manilius, II, 466: "Quin etiam propriis inter se legibus astra Conveniunt, ut certa gerant commercia rerum, Inque vicem praestant visus atque auribus haerent, Aut odium, foedusque gerunt," etc.—Signs [Greek: bleponta] and [Greek: akouonta]: cf. Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 139 ff.—The planets rejoice ([Greek: chairein]) in their mansions, etc.—Signs [Greek: phoneenta], etc.: cf. Cat., I, pp. 164 ff.; Bouche-Leclercq, pp. 77 ff. The terminology of the driest didactic texts is saturated with mythology.

56. Saint Leo, In Nativ., VII, 3 (Migne, P. L., LIV, col. 218); Firmicus, I, 6, 7; Ambrosiaster, in the Revue d'hist. et litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 16.

57. Cf. Reitzenstein, Poimandres, pp. 77 ff., cf. p. 103, where a text of Zosimus attributes this theory to Zoroaster. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roem. Kultur, 1907, p. 81. This is the meaning of the verse of the Orac. Chaldaica: [Greek: Ou gar huph' heimarten agelen piptousi theourgoi] (p. 59 Kroll). According to Arnobius (II, 62, Cornelius Labeo) the magi claimed "deo esse se gnatos nec fati obnoxios legibus."

58. Bibliography. We have no complete book on Greek and Roman magic. Maury, La magie et l'astrologie dans l'antiquite et au moyen age, 1864, is a mere sketch. The most complete account is Hubert's art. "Magia" in the Dict. des antiquites of Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier. It contains an index of the sources and the earlier bibliography. More recent studies are: Fahz, De poet. Roman. doctrina magica, Giessen, 1903; Audollent, Defixionum tabulae, Paris, 1904; Wuensch, Antikes Zaubergeraet aus Pergamon, Berlin, 1905 (important objects found dating back to the third century, A. D.); Abt, Die Apologie des Apuleius und die Zauberei, Giessen, 1908.—The superstition that is not magic, but borders upon it, is the subject of a very important article by Riess, "Aberglaube," in the Realenc. of Pauly-Wissowa. An essay by Kroll, Antiker Aberglaube, Hamburg, 1897, deserves mention.—Cf. Ch. Michel {278} in the Revue d'hist. et litt. rel., VII, 1902, p. 184. See also infra, nn. 64, 65, 72.

59. The question of the principles of magic has recently been the subject of discussions started by the theories of Frazer, The Golden Bough, 2d ed., 1900 (cf. Goblet d'Alviella, Revue de l'univ. de Bruxelles, Oct. 1903). See Andrew Lang, Magic and Religion, London, 1901; Hubert and Mauss, Esquisse d'une theorie generale de la magie (Annee sociologique, VII), 1904, p. 56; cf. Melanges hist. des relig., Paris, 1909, pp. xvii ff.; Jevons, Magic, in the Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions, Oxford, 1908, I, p. 71. Loisy, "Magie science et religion," in A propos d'hist. des religions, 1911, p. 166.

60. S. Reinach, Mythes, cultes et relig., II, Intr., p. xv.

61. The infiltration of magic into the liturgy under the Roman empire is shown especially in connection with the ritual of consecration of the idols, by Hock, Griechische Weihegebraeuche, Wuerzburg, 1905, p. 66.—Cf. also Kroll, Archiv fuer Religionsw., VIII, 1905, Beiheft, pp. 27 ff.

62. Friedlaender, Sittengeschichte, I, pp. 509 f.

63. Arnobius, II, 62, cf. II, 13; Ps.-Iamblichus, De Myst., VIII, 4.

64. Magic in Egypt: Budge, Egyptian Magic, London, 1901; Wiedemann, Magie und Zauberei im alten Aegypten, Leipsic, 1905 [cf. Maspero, Rev. critique, 1905, II, p. 166]; Otto, Priester und Tempel, II, p. 224; Griffith, The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 1904 (a remarkable collection dating back to the third century of our era), and the writings analyzed by Capart, Rev. hist. des relig., 1905 (Bulletin of 1904, p. 17), 1906 (Bull. of 1905, p. 92).

65. Fossey, La magie assyrienne, Paris, 1902. The earlier bibliography will be found p. 7. See also Hubert in Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier, Dict. des antiq., s. v. "Magia," p. 1505, n. 5. Campbell Thomson, Semitic Magic, Its Origin and Development, London, 1908.

Traces of magical conceptions have survived even in the prayers of the orthodox Mohammedans; see the curious {279} observations of Goldziher, Studien, Theodor Noeldeke gewidmet, 1906, I, pp. 302 ff. The Assyrio-Chaldean magic may be compared profitably with Hindu magic (Victor Henry, La Magie dans l'Inde antique, Paris, 1904).

66. There are many indications that the Chaldean magic spread over the Roman empire, probably as a consequence of the conquests of Trajan and Verus (Apul., De Magia, c. 38; Lucian, Philopseudes, c. 11; Necyom., c. 6, etc. Cf. Hubert, loc. cit.) Those most influential in reviving these studies seem to have been two rather enigmatical personages, Julian the Chaldean, and his son Julian the Theurge, who lived under Marcus Aurelius. The latter was Considered the author of the [Greek: Logia Chaldaika], which in a measure became the Bible of the last neo-Platonists.

67. Apul., De Magia, c. 27. The name [Greek: philosophos], philosophus, was finally applied to all adepts in the occult sciences.

68. The term seems to have been first used by Julian, called the Theurge, and thence to have passed to Porphyry (Epist. Aneb., c. 46; Augustine, Civ. Dei, X, 9-10) and to the neo-Platonists.

69. Hubert, article cited, pp. 1494, n. 1; 1499 f.; 1504. Ever since magical papyri were discovered in Egypt, there has been a tendency to exaggerate the influence exercised by that country on the development of magic. It made magic prominent as we have said, but a study of these same papyri proves that elements of very different origin had combined with the native sorcery, which seems to have laid special stress upon the importance of the "barbarian names," because to the Egyptians the name had a reality quite independent of the object denoted by it, and possessed an effective force of its own (supra, pp. 93, 95). But that is, after all, only an incidental theory, and it is significant that in speaking of the origin of magic, Pliny (XXX, 7) names the Persians in the first place, and does not even mention the Egyptians.

70. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 230 ff.—Consequently Zoroaster, the undisputed master of the magi, is frequently considered a disciple of the Chaldeans or as himself coming from Babylon. The blending of Persian and Chaldean beliefs appears clearly in Lucian, Necyom., 6 ff. {280}

71. The majority of the magical formulas attributed to Democritus are the work of forgers like Bolos of Mendes (cf. Diels, Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, I2, pp. 440 f.), but the authorship of this literature could not have been attributed to him, had not these tendencies been so favorable.

72. On Jewish magic see: Blau, Das altjuedische Zauberwesen, 1898; cf. Hubert, loc. cit., p. 1505.

73. Pliny, H. N., XXX, 1, Sec. 6; Juvenal, VI, 548 ff. In Pliny's opinion these magicians were especially acquainted with veneficas artes. The toxicology of Mithridates goes back to that source (Pliny, XXV, 2, 7). Cf. Horace, Epod., V, 21; Virgil, Buc. VIII, 95, etc.

74. Cf. supra, pp. 151 ff.

75. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 26; cf. supra, ch. VI, p. 152.

76. In a passage outlining the Persian demonology (see supra, n. 39), Porphyry tells us (De Abst., II, 41):

[Greek: Toutous] (sc. [Greek: tous daimonas]) [Greek: malista kai ton proestota auton] (c. 42, [Greek: he proestosa auton dunamis] = Ahriman) [Greek: ektimosin hoi ta kaka dia ton goeteion prattomenoi k. t. l.] Cf. Lactantius, Divin. Inst., II, 14 (I, p. 164, 10, Brandt ed.); Clem. of Alexandria, Stromat., III, p. 46 C, and supra, n. 37. The idea that the demons subsisted on the offerings and particularly on the smoke of the sacrifices agrees entirely with the old Persian and Babylonian ideas. See Yasht V, XXI, 94: What "becomes of the libations which the wicked bring to you after sunset?" "The devas receive them," etc.—In the cuneiform tablet of the deluge (see 160 ff.), the gods "smell the good odor and gather above the officiating priest like flies." (Dhorme, Textes religieux assyro-babyloniens, 1907, p. 115; cf. Maspero, Hist. anc. des peuples de l'Orient, I, p. 681.).

77. Plut., De Iside, c. 46.

78. The druj Nasu of the Mazdeans; cf. Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, II, p. xi and 146 ff.

79. Cf. Lucan, Phars., VI, 520 ff.

80. Mommsen, Strafrecht, pp. 639 ff. There is no doubt that the legislation of Augustus was directed against magic, cf. Dion, LII, 34, 3.—Manilius (II, 108) opposes to astrology the {281} artes quorum haud permissa facultas. Cf. also Suet., Aug., 31.

81. Zachariah the Scholastic, Vie de Severe d'Antioche, Kugener ed. (Patrol. orientalis, II), 1903, pp. 57 ff.

82. Magic at Rome in the fifth century: Wuensch, Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom, Leipsic, 1898 (magical leads dated from 390 to 420); Revue hist. litt. relig., VIII, 1903, p. 435, and Burchardt, Die Zeit Constantin's, 2d ed., 1880, pp. 236 ff.