CHAPTER XI.

ALESIUS.

We owe it to the Rev. Christopher Anderson, the author of the 'Annals of the English Bible,' that attention has been once more turned to the deeply interesting story of Alexander Alane, or Alesius. Principal Lorimer, in his 'Scottish Reformation,' has thrown further light on him. And Dr Merle D'Aubigne, who appears to have minutely examined most of his tracts and commentaries, has wrought into his graphic but imaginative narrative much of the information which they have been the chief means of handing down to us. It was after his expatriation that he received from Melanchthon the name of Alesius, or the wanderer.

[Sidenote: His miraculous Escape.]

This highly distinguished but long forgotten alumnus of St Andrews University was born in Edinburgh on the 23rd of April 1500, of honest parents, and received the first rudiments of his education in his native city. It was probably while he was still there that he had vouchsafed on his behalf those wonderful interpositions of Providence, which remained through life engraven on his heart, and which he thus relates in his preface to his Commentary on the Second Epistle of Paul to Timothy, published at Leipzig in 1551. "Certe ab infantia [Diabolus] me saepe incautum opprimere voluit, et perdere non tam insidiis et crudelitate hostium, quam praecipitio in ignem et aquam. Verum ille, qui servavit me inter omnia pericula et infantem de gradibus patris mei cadentem in acervum lapidum advectorum ad extruendum supremum tabulatum in aedibus, et reptantem manibus in cacumine altissimi montis, ex cujus declivi vel praerupto, divinitus in alterum latus in quo facilis erat descensus, subito perveni." With even more than his usual licence, Dr D'Aubigne thus recounts this adventure: He "was fond of going with other boys of his own age to the heights which environ Edinburgh. The great rock on the summit of which the castle stands, the beautiful Calton Hill, and the picturesque hill called Arthur's Seat, in turn attracted them. One day, it was in 1512, Alexander and his friends, having betaken themselves to the last-named hill, amused themselves by rolling over and over down a slope which terminated in a precipice. Suddenly the lad found himself on the brink; terror deprived him of his senses; some hand grasped him and placed him in safety, but he never knew by whom or by what means he had been rescued. The priests gave the credit of this escape to the paper with which they had provided him, but Alexander himself attributed it to God and his father's prayers."

[Sidenote: Discussions with Patrick Hamilton.]

Alesius, or Alane as he was still called, being of good abilities, was early sent to the university, and seems to have been one of the first set of students who entered St Leonard's College (the college founded by Prior John Hepburn, with the consent of Archbishop Alexander Stuart) after its opening in 1512. His studies appear to have been prosecuted there in the usual way, and in 1515 he became a determinant, or took the degree of B.A.; and, probably after acting for a few years as a regent in the college, he was drafted as a novice into the priory, and ultimately became one of its canons. When John Major came to St Andrews in 1523 as principal of the Paedagogium, he, like Hamilton and some others who ultimately shared the same opinions, studied theology under him, and made great progress, especially in the study of the schoolmen and the fathers of the Christian church. He was, like most of the young scholastics of his time, fond of disputation; and if he listened to those lectures on the gospels which Major gave to the press some years after, he probably imbibed from his teacher that combative attitude towards the new opinions which at this period of his life he showed. D'Aubigne says: "His keenest desire was to break a lance with Luther.... As he could not measure himself personally with the man whom he named arch-heretic, Alesius had refuted his doctrine in a public discussion held at the university. The theologians of St Andrews had covered him with applause. ... Alesius, alive to these praises and a sincere catholic, thought that it would be an easy task for him to convince young Hamilton of his errors.... Armed cap-a-pie, crammed with scholastic learning, and with all the formulae 'quo modo sit, quo modo nonsit,'" he had various discussions with him. "Hamilton had before him nothing but the Gospel, and he replied to all the reasonings of his antagonist with the clear, living, and profound word of the Scriptures.... Alesius, struck and embarrassed, was silenced, and felt as if 'the morning star were rising in his heart. It was not merely his understanding that was convinced, the breath of a new life penetrated his soul." He continued from time to time to visit the reformer while he lived, and to cherish his memory after he had been so cruelly put to death.

When the opinions and martyrdom of Hamilton were the subject of conversation among the canons, several of the younger of whom were attached to him, Alesius refused to condemn him. He was not yet by any means, as Dr Lorimer would have it, a Lutheran; he was not yet prepared to separate himself from the old church; but he saw and mourned over her corruptions, and longed, and in a quiet way laboured, for the removal of them, and also yearned for the revival of a more earnest Christian spirit, and more correct moral conduct among those over whom his influence extended. From that day no one could induce him to express approval of the proceedings which had been taken against Hamilton, or to pronounce an unfavourable judgment on the articles for which he had been condemned to death.

[Sidenote: Patrick Hepburn.]

This silence brought him under the suspicion of his more bigoted associates, and gave special offence to his superior, Prior Patrick Hepburn (the nephew of Prior John, who had founded St Leonard's College), a violent, coarse, immoral young noble, emulous of the debaucheries and vices, as well as of the cultured hauteur, of the young French ecclesiastics of rank among whom his youth had been passed. Knox has given a graphic if rather coarse account of the revelries of this young man and his gay associates, more in keeping with what we should have expected from the sons of Tarquin in heathen Rome than from the elite of the young ecclesiastics of a primatial Christian city, and under the eye of an aged archbishop. The representation of Alesius is only the more credible because it is the more restrained, and the one representation corroborates the other, and proves to what a low ebb morality had sunk among the ministers of the old church in Scotland before it was swept away. Not only did this bold bad man set at nought the laws of God and the canons of his church, and make a boast of doing so among his boon companions, but even when the archbishop sought to separate him from his unlawful connection, the prior collected his armed retainers, and would have fought with him had not the Earl of Rothes and the Abbot of Arbroath, the primate's hopeful nephew, come between the two bands and patched up a sort of truce between their leaders.

The Christian lives and healthful influence of the younger canons could not but be felt to be a standing rebuke by their superior, and doubtless were one main cause why he bore them so deep a grudge and gave way to such savage outbursts of temper in his intercourse with them. He is said to have denounced them, and especially Alesius, to the aged primate, and probably with the view of entrapping him into some unguarded expression of approval of the new opinions, he got him appointed to preach the sermon at the opening of a synod of bishops and priests which was held at St Andrews probably in the Lent of the year 1529. Alesius, while carefully avoiding everything which might give needless offence to his hearers, thought, to use his own words, that in such presence, and speaking in the Latin language, he would not discharge his duty unless he earnestly exhorted those set in authority over the churches to the practice of piety, the observance of good morals, the study of Christian doctrine, and the pious teaching and governing of their churches. He confesses that he earnestly inveighed against immoral priests, but he adds that as he had said nothing in a disloyal spirit, or more harshly than the facts warranted, and had attacked no one by name, the sermon gave no offence to good men. But his irate and domineering prior imagined that the sermon was specially aimed at him, and was intended to hold him up to the ridicule of the assembled prelates and clergy. Having already defied the archbishop, Hepburn could not brook such a liberty on the part of one of his own subordinates. An opportunity soon occurred to him of paying back with interest the insult which he imagined had been done to him.

[Sidenote: Assaulted and Imprisoned.]

It so happened that the whole college of canons resolved, for many and grave reasons, to lodge a complaint with the king respecting the harshness and cruelty of their superior. When this came to Hepburn's ears, he rushed with a band of armed attendants into the sacred chapter-house where the canons were assembled, and when admonished by Alesius, who probably presided in the meeting, not in the heat of passion to be guilty of any foolish prank, he ordered the speaker to be seized by his armed attendants, and drawing his sword would have run it through him had not two of the canons forcibly dragged him back and turned aside his weapon. The affrighted and timid canon cast himself at his superior's feet and entreated him to spare his life, but in return only received a kick in the breast which nearly proved fatal to him. When he had partially recovered from this, and was being hurried off to prison, another dastardly attack was made on him, but that was parried by the prior's own retainers, who saw that he was beside himself with rage and fury. After this all the other canons were seized and imprisoned, but on the remonstrance of certain noble friends they were ordered to be released by the king, who was then in St Andrews and was informed of what had taken place.

[Sidenote: His Prison changed.]

The king's order was speedily carried out in regard to all save Alesius; but he, notwithstanding all remonstrances of friends, was not only detained in custody, but was even thrust into a more filthy dungeon, called by the sufferer, in one of his treatises, teterrimo specu subtus terram inter bufones et serpentes, and in another a latrina, or sink, to which I know nothing at all corresponding in St Andrews save the underground chamber near the college hall, and the roughly-hewn cavern still subsisting in the rock to the north of the house at the end of Castle Street, going down by the southern entrance by thirty or more somewhat irregular steps through the rock, and terminating in a small chamber of rounded or oval form, having an opening in its roof originally little more than a foot in diameter, but now considerably enlarged, and to which on the other side a covered passage from the castle leads down. They might well abandon hope who entered there, and possibly one at least of its uses was for literally immuring those who were never again to have further intercourse with their fellow-men. In this or some other equally horrible place the poor canon was confined for eighteen or twenty days; and when, after repeated remonstrances on the part of the king and the magistrates of the city, the prior was obliged to produce his victim, he enjoined him strictly on no account to utter one word about the shameful maltreatment to which he had been subjected. Alesius, however, had suffered too horribly in this place to let slip the opportunity so unexpectedly presented to him of telling the worst to the friendly magistrates, and entreating them to save him from all further risk of a repetition of this barbarous cruelty. But the magistrates, though friendly, were easily persuaded that all was now to go right. As soon, however, as they were got out of the way under this persuasion, the prior upbraided the poor canon for having divulged the whole disgusting truth which he had enjoined him to conceal, and ordered him to be again placed in confinement, in which he was left to languish for nearly a year. But this confinement was in a less objectionable place, and apparently within the precincts of the priory; and when the prior was absent the canons occasionally had the prisoner brought out from his ward, and even permitted him, as in former times, to take a leading part in the services at the altar. On one occasion the prior, coming back unexpectedly, and seeing what occurred in his absence, ordered Alesius at once into confinement, threatening on the morrow to have him off to the old filthy place where his life had been so nearly sacrificed before, and where he was to be entrusted to the care of a more remorseless jailer.

[Sidenote: He escapes by Night.]

As soon as their superior left them for the night the canons, satisfied that all hope of preserving the life of their comrade in St Andrews was at an end, and that if he did not seek safety by instant flight horrible torments and certain death awaited him, gathered round him and urged him to escape. On his expressing a wish to consult with other friends before taking a step so serious, they pressed him only the more urgently to flee and leave the country at once, as he would certainly be pursued, and, if overtaken, brought back for condign punishment. The sequel I give in his own unvarnished statement, which is to me more touching from its very simplicity than the highly embellished rechauffees of D'Aubigne: "Etsi maximo dolore afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria, qua nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis, discedendum esse, tamen, et necessitati, et tot bonorum virorum consiliis parendum duxi." And then follows a parting scene only less affecting than that of St Paul from the disciples on the seashore at Tyre, and proving that even yet all good was not extinguished from the hearts of those under the rule of this vicious prior, and encouraging the hope, which was afterwards fully realised, that the best of them would ultimately find a more congenial home in a new and purified church. Only the apostle, though in a heathen land, could kneel down in open day on the seashore to pray with his friends, and they without challenge could accompany him to the ship which waited to receive him; while these men, though living in a professedly Christian land, had secretly to bring out their friend from the place of confinement and comfort him, and then send him away alone into the thick darkness to pursue his weary journey under cover of night to that broad firth which bounds Fifeshire on the north, if haply he might find on its shores some boat to ferry him across, or on its bosom some friendly craft to convey him without loss of time beyond the reach of his implacable persecutor. "Clam igitur educunt me domo, instruunt et viatico. Ita cum lachrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus, et illi suavissima commemoratione illustrium virorum et sanctorum qui similiter e patria tyrannidi cesserunt, maesticiam meam non nihil levassent, media jam nocte in densissimis tenebris solus iter ingredior." Sadly he plodded on his way through the darkness, oppressed with forebodings, for he knew of no hospitable retreat in other lands; he had neither friend nor acquaintance among foreigners; he could speak no language but his native tongue and Latin; and he had some reason to fear that he might be classed with those vagabonds who had been driven out from various Continental states because of their fanatical opinions, and were justly suspected even by Protestants in Germany. But in the multitude of distracting thoughts within him he encouraged himself in the Lord his God and in Christ his Saviour. Ere morning had well dawned his journey was completed, and he got safely on shipboard, where, according to his own account, quidam homo germanus—that is, according to some, a certain man a German; according to others, a certain man a kinsman—received him very affectionately, and afterwards nursed him with great kindness during the sea-sickness from which he suffered throughout the stormy voyage.

[Sidenote: His Dundee Friends.]

On the day following his escape, when the vessel which sheltered him had already sailed, there came horsemen to the shore, sent by the prior from St Andrews, to make search for the fugitive. When they returned without success to their master, he is reported to have summoned before him a certain citizen of Dundee, whom he suspected to have aided in providing a ship for the canon. This merchant citizen took with him another true-hearted favourer of the Reformation, James Scrymgeour, provost of the town; and on the former denying that he had given the assistance which he was accused of doing to Alesius, and which probably he could deny with a good conscience, his sons in St Andrews and Dundee having been too prudent to involve him in their little plot, the provost spoke out boldly to the haughty prior, and said: Why make a work about this? I, myself, if I had known that Alexander was preparing to go away, would with the greatest pleasure have furnished him both with a ship and with provisions for his voyage, that he might be put in safety beyond the reach of your cruelty. Assuredly, had he been my brother I would long ago have rescued him from those perils and miseries in which you have involved him.

Thus Alexander Alesius was driven from his much-loved native land, destined never to return to it more, or again to see the friends and relations to whom he was so warmly attached. "Could any one then have whispered in the ear of the disconsolate exile that he was on the road to far more extensive usefulness" and freedom; that he would gain many friends in foreign lands, and would not only be spared to labour there for more than thirty years, but would also be honoured to be the first to plead by his writings for the free circulation of the Scriptures in his native Scotland, and one of the first to help on Cranmer in England, and Hermann von Wied, the reforming Archbishop of Cologne, in Germany; that he would be privileged to attend, as one of the Protestant representatives, many of the most important colloquies of the leaders of the old and the new church on the Continent, to be the intimate friend of Luther and Melanchthon, to labour as a professor of theology in two German universities, and to live and die in the greatest honour and respect among those with whom he laboured,—"how incredible would it all have seemed to him!" Yet it was thus God meant it, and thus He brought it to pass; and if there was one among the Scottish exiles of those times who was less embittered towards his persecutors than another, or more ready to yield to them in things indifferent or of minor importance, if only he could gain their hearts for Christ and His cause in matters of highest moment, it was he.

[Sidenote: Driven by the Tempest to Malmoe.]

[Sidenote: Hermann von Wied's Apologue.]

The ship in which Alesius sailed was bound for France, probably for Dieppe or Rouen, with which towns the trade of Scotland was carried on, and where many Scottish merchants resided or had factors; but she had not gone far on her way from port when a violent westerly gale carried her across the German Ocean, drove her into the Sound, and made it necessary to get her into the harbour at Malmoe in Scania, in order to refit her. There, as well as at the French ports named, there was a community of Scottish merchants, probably by this time enjoying the ministrations of John Gaw or Gall, another St Andrews alumnus, early won over to the cause of the Reformation. The community of Malmoe, a year or two before, had given its adhesion to the same cause, and its leading ministers, as well as the Scottish chaplain, were, therefore, prepared to welcome and treat with all kindness their exiled co-religionist, as he himself, twenty-five years after, feelingly narrates. After being refitted at Malmoe, the vessel proceeded on her voyage to France, where Alesius left, and plodding his way along the northern coast, visited Belgium, where he would meet with friendly Scots at Bruges, and probably also at Antwerp. He then passed up the Rhine to Cologne, where, as already suggested, he was favourably received by the Archbishop, Hermann von Wied, who afterwards became a friend of the Reformation, though at this time, like Alesius himself, not yet decided altogether to break with the old church. It is no doubt to this visit he refers in the following passage of the treatise from which I have repeatedly quoted: "When lately at Cologne I conversed familiarly with a certain man of the highest learning and authority, and perceived how deeply he was grieved by the disturbed state of the church in Germany. I began to exhort him to interpose his judgment in certain matters of dispute, because I hoped that milder views might gain the ascendancy if princes and people only had such monitors excelling in learning and authority. When I had argued long in support of my opinion, heaving a sigh, but making no formal reply to my arguments, he bade me listen to an apologue: When the lion, worn out with old age, could no longer obtain his prey by hunting, he fell on the device of inviting the beasts to visit him in his den. There came to him a bear, a wolf, and a fox. The bear entered first, and being affably received by the lion, and conducted round the den, he was asked how he was pleased with the amenity of the place. Being no courtier, the bear answered bluntly that he could never stay in such a filthy hole, among heaps of decaying carcasses. The lion, enraged, chid the bear for finding fault with the amenity of the royal den, and tearing him up, cast away his carcass among the others. The wolf, who had been standing by, seeing in what danger he was, thought by artifice to soothe the haughty mind of the lion. He accordingly approached, was led round the den, and was asked whether the smell of the heap of carcasses was unpleasant to him. The wolf replied, in a carefully considered speech, that he had never seen anything more pleasant. This artifice, however, was of no avail to the wolf. The lion meted out the same treatment to him as to the bear, tearing him up for his impudent flattery. The fox, who had witnessed all this, and how both the simplicity of the bear and the flattery of the wolf had given equal offence to the lion, was in great perplexity what to answer when it came to his turn. He went forward, however, and being interrogated as the others had been whether the smell of the den was disagreeable, he replied modestly that he could not express any opinion on the point, as he was labouring under a cold in the head." Alesius waited to hear from his host the moral or application of the apologue, but this was not given by him. He preferred to leave it to his own good sense, merely counselling him to be cautious of engaging in such discussions for the present. Ultimately, however, both came to see that there is a time to speak as well as a time to keep silence; and it is interesting to note that to the last both observed similar moderation in their statements of doctrine, both evinced the same desire, by conciliation to gain opponents, rather than to provoke them, notwithstanding all the hard usage they both met with from their secular and ecclesiastical superiors.

[Sidenote: Befriended by Melanchthon.]

Soon after this Alesius appears to have passed on from Cologne to Wittenberg, and there for a time to have resumed the study of theology, as well as of Greek and Hebrew, under Melanchthon and the other gifted teachers in that university. Luther he does not seem to have met for a time, or to have been acquainted with his writings when he published his first treatises. Melanchthon cherished a special affection for Alesius and the Scottish exiles who soon after followed him to Wittenberg, believing that they were the descendants of those Scoti who had sent the early Christian missionaries to Germany, and that it became him to repay to them the great kindness the heathen Germans had received from their forefathers in the distant past.

It was while he was thus occupied that Alesius heard of the cruel edict of the Scottish bishops, and it hardly admits of doubt that he submitted to Melanchthon, and got corrected by him, his little treatise against their decree, forbidding the New Testament Scriptures to be used by the laity in the vernacular. It is a very pithy and forcible bit of pleading for the right of the Christian laity to possess and study the Scriptures in their own tongue. This remarkable treatise struck the true key-note in the contest it ushered in, and helped it on to victory—a victory which was substantially to be gained ere Knox had taken his place among the combatants on the side of the Reformation at all.

To this epistle Cochlaeus replied without loss of time, and ere the year was out Alesius rejoined in that Responsio ad Cochlei calumnias, in which he has given so touching an account of his own maltreatment, so interesting a statement of his own opinions in matters of faith and church polity, and so trenchant a reply to the sophistries and slanders of his opponent.

[Sidenote: Cochlaeus.]

This able and, for the age, singularly temperate reply made a deep impression in England as well as in Scotland, and doubtless prepared the way for that offer of employment there which two years subsequently was made him by Cranmer, whom, in his moderation and earnest desire to avoid a total rupture between the old church and the new life, he then so much resembled. But whatever its merits, the disputatious Cochlaeus—"der gewaffnete mann," as Luther sneeringly terms him—was determined that his opponent should not have the last word in the dispute, and accordingly in August 1534 he published at Leipsic his Apologia pro Scotiae Regno adversus personatum Alexandrum Alesium Scotum. In this treatise he repeats the assertion in his previous one that Melanchthon, not Alesius, was the author of these epistles. He charges Alesius with putting lies into the mouth of a foreigner to the discredit of his native country, and tells him that if he had the power he would gladly send him away to Scotland with his hands tied behind his back to be ignominiously punished as a traitor and a public slanderer. His opponent's minute and temperate narrative of facts appears to have made no impression on him. He is content magisterially to pronounce it absurd and incredible, and inconsistent with itself as well as with probability. He appears in his ire to forget that the king of Scots and his subjects were better able to judge of its truthfulness than he, a foreigner, could be; and that after saying all he could for the bishops and superior clergy in his former reply, he had been obliged to conclude with the damaging admission that possibly there were "bishops and prelates who, neither in sanctity of life nor in acquaintance with sacred learning, responded to or satisfied their dignity and office."

[Sidenote: Effect of his Treatises.]

The epistles of Cochlaeus, if abusive and less cogent in reasoning, as well as less relieved by any sparkle of wit or racy anecdote than those of Alesius, are certainly written in a more easy and flowing Latin style, and, in that respect at least, the Scottish prelates had no reason to be ashamed of the champion who had volunteered his services in their cause. Nor were they wanting in those more substantial expressions of their satisfaction which Cochlaeus, like most of the controversialists of his time, evidently coveted. The Archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow testified their gratitude for his services by sending him liberal presents. The king wrote him a letter, a contemporary transcript of which is still extant, and also, as is stated by Cochlaeus himself in a letter to a Polish archbishop, sent him some more material tokens of his regard. And even the messenger who had brought over the copies of his first epistle received, as it now appears, a present of fifty pounds Scots. Alesius, though in quite another way, did not lack his reward, and it came in the way which he valued most—the treatises he had written, to a certain extent at least, got into circulation both in Scotland and in England. They cheered the hearts of the faithful under all the terrible trials to which they were subjected in the later years of James's reign, when he seems to have abandoned his former kindliness, and surrendered himself in a great measure to the priests and to vicious indulgences. They carried conviction to the minds of many, and gradually ripened opinion to demand the right to do publicly what many had learned to do secretly—to study the Word of God, and especially the New Testament, in their native tongue. This right was authorised by an Act of the Scottish Parliament passed in 1543, when Cardinal Betoun was in disgrace, and the Archbishop of Glasgow was left alone to protest against it. This Act was the first real victory of the reformed party in Scotland, and it was mainly due to the able and temperate pleading of Alesius that this great boon, or indeed I may say this indefeasible right of Christian laymen, was granted. The same subject had been reverted to by him in his more elaborate treatise, De authoritate Verbi Dei, which was published in 1542 in Latin, and some time after was translated into English.

[Sidenote: Erasmus intervenes.]

One other episode in this controversy remains still to be adverted to. This is the intervention of the great humanist, Erasmus,—an incident in his history on which his biographers with one consent have observed a judicious silence. Nevertheless, the fact is as undoubted as melancholy that he—who had done so much to promote the freer circulation and profounder study of the Greek original of the New Testament, and had even ventured, under the patronage of Pope Leo X., to bring out a Latin version of the New Testament more true to the original than the Vulgate version, that those who knew only Latin might understand more fully the meaning of the original—in his old age, when irritated by the course of events, and by his controversies with Luther, consented to recommend this scurrilous pamphleteer to his friends in Scotland. His own letter is not now extant, or, if extant, is not at present accessible; but the answer sent to him by the Scottish king has been preserved, like his letter to Cochlaeus, among the MSS. in the British Museum. It is sufficient to prove the fact that Erasmus did intervene, and commend to his Scottish friends a writer who represents Luther's translation of the New Testament, which more than any other book has made Germany what it is, as the "pabulum mortis, fomes peccati, velamen malitiae, praetextus falsae libertatis, inobedientiae praesidium, disciplinae corruptio, morum depravatio, concordiae dissipatio ... vitiorum scaturigo ... rebellionis incendium ... charitatis peremptio ... veritatis perduellio."

[Sidenote: At Cambridge and London.]

In 1535 Alesius, having received encouragement from the agents of the English king then negotiating an alliance with the Protestant princes of Germany, came over to England with a letter of recommendation from Melanchthon. He was favourably received by Archbishop Cranmer, by Crumwell the Vicar-General, and by the king himself, who appointed him king's scholar, and instructed Crumwell, as Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, to give him a place as a reader in divinity there. He accordingly went into residence in Queen's College, the same college which shortly before had been the home of Erasmus while lecturing in the university on Greek, and towards the end of the year he began a course of lectures on the Hebrew Psalter. He is supposed to have been the first who delivered lectures in Cambridge on the Hebrew Scriptures, but he was not suffered to do it long in peace. It could not be concealed that he was a favourer of the new opinions and a friend of Melanchthon, and that he had, in fact, been recommended by him to the king and the chancellor of the university. By the time he had entered on the exposition of Psalm viii. he was challenged by one of the champions of the old learning to a public disputation, and courageously accepted the challenge; but when the day appointed for the discussion arrived, his opponent did not venture to meet him in open fight. He preferred to plot against him in secret, and to foment tumult among the scholars, till Alesius, finding that his life was in danger, and that he could not count on the protection of the university authorities, deemed it his duty to leave Cambridge and return to London.

[Sidenote: Returns to the Continent.]

For the next three years he remained there, supporting himself chiefly by the practice of medicine, which he studied under a London physician of note. He occasionally, however, gave assistance to his reforming friends in the varying fortunes of these unquiet times. He did so notably in a convocation or a meeting of the superior clergy in 1536 or 1537, being put forward by Cranmer and Crumwell as the chief spokesman on the reforming side, the opinions of which he defended with considerable force and ability, so far as the notes of the debates preserved by Foxe in his 'Acts and Monuments' enable us to judge. His appearance on this occasion brought him into sharp collision with Stokesley, Bishop of London. On the other hand, it secured for him the warm friendship of Cranmer and Latimer, towards both of whom he continued to the last to cherish a deep affection, and of whose martyrdom he spoke with so much grief when he published his Commentary on the First Book of Psalms. While in England, as Thomasius tells us, he married an English lady, by name Catherine de Mayn; and when Henry VIII. once more veered round to his former moorings, and passed the bloody statute of the six articles, insisting inter alia on the doctrine of Transubstantiation and the celibacy of the clergy, Alesius, like several other married priests, had to consult his safety and that of his family by a hurried retreat to the Continent.

Among those who had to leave England about the same time were John M'Alpine and John Fyffe—or, as they were henceforth to be surnamed by Melanchthon, Joannes Macchabaeus and Joannes Fidelis—both, like Alesius himself, Scotsmen, the former having been prior of the Dominican monastery at Perth, and the latter an alumnus and teacher in St Leonard's College. They had, along with several other known favourers of the Reformation, been obliged to leave Scotland at an earlier period, and after finding a temporary shelter in England, apparently at Salisbury, under the protection of Bishop Shaxton, who was then a favourer of the reformed opinions, were, like Alesius himself, to find their ultimate home and special work on the Continent—the one in the University of Copenhagen, the other in the University of Frankfort on the Oder. They seem to have gone first to Wittenberg, and while the others for a time resumed their studies there, Alesius almost immediately on his return was selected by Melanchthon to accompany him to the colloquy at Worms, and then to that at Regensburg, which were attended not only by the Lutheran and the Catholic theologians, but also by Bucer, Calvin, and other reforming divines of Strassburg. So it came about that Alesius, who had suffered exile in the cause of the Reformation in Scotland, and still had striven to promote it, was probably the first of our countrymen to be brought into contact with Calvin, who was ultimately to exercise so marked an influence on the form and mode of that Reformation, and who too was then an exile both from his native land and from the scene of his earlier labours. To the last Alesius seems to have been the one of his pupils to whom the gentle and timid Melanchthon most closely clung, and it was by his recommendation that in the very year of his return to the Continent he was promoted to be Professor of Divinity in the University of Frankfort on the Oder. And it is something of which a Scotchman and a St Andrean may be proud, that the university of that little principality of Brandenburg, which has since expanded into the great kingdom of Prussia, was indebted for two of its first Protestant professors of divinity to Scotland and to St Andrews.

[Sidenote: Leaves Frankfort for Leipsic.]

His stay at Frankfort, however, was but short, a controversy having arisen between him and one of his colleagues about the propriety of attaching civil punishments to adultery and other offences against the seventh commandment. In 1542, or early in 1543, he resigned his professorship, and transferred his family to Leipsic. Melanchthon, who, though concurring in his opinions, blamed his hasty resignation, yet exerted himself to procure an appointment for him in the great Saxon university; so also did Ludovicus Fachsius, at once the Burgomaster and the head of the Faculty of Law, of whose kindness he makes special mention in the dedication to his sons of his edition of Melanchthon's Catechism, which he had used when superintending their religious instruction.

[Sidenote: The Perth Martyrs.]

The remaining twenty-one years of his life were spent busily and usefully in this famous university, though he suffered somewhat severely during the Schmalkaldic war and the seige of Leipsic. It was there that most of his theological treatises were elaborated and published. He was twice at least chosen Rector of the university—viz., in 1555 and in 1561. In 1542, as already stated, he published in Latin the arguments he had used in his disputation with Stokesley, Bishop of London, on the authority of the Word of God, and against the doctrine of the seven sacraments, both confirming his former arguments as to the rights of the Christian laity, and maintaining the supremacy of Scripture over tradition. He had previously published his inaugural dissertation in the University of Frankfort, 'De restituendis scholis,' in which he advocated at length the great need for university training for the ministers of the protestant churches, and gave a detailed account of his own opinions, which he affirmed were then in full accord with those of the Lutheran churches. In 1543, probably before he was fully settled at Leipsic, it is said that on hearing the news of the favourable change which had taken place in Scotland on the death of James V. and the accession of Arran to the regency, he, like many other Scottish exiles, had serious thoughts of returning home, and availing himself to the uttermost of this unexpected opportunity which seemed to be opening for carrying forward the work of the Reformation in the land which was still dear to him. But before he had fully made up his mind to follow this course, he fortunately heard that the fickle regent had already begun to change his policy, and that though the privilege of freely reading the Scriptures in the vernacular, for which he had so earnestly contended, was legally secured, the triumph of the Reformation was by no means so near at hand as at first he had been led to suppose. Shortly after this, roused by the tidings of fresh persecutions which had reached him from Scotland, and especially by the account of the cruel executions of the humble martyrs of Perth by the cardinal and his party on St Paul's day, 1543-44, Alesius on 23rd April wrote to Melanchthon in the following terms:—

"Three days ago there were here several countrymen of mine, who declare that the cardinal rules all things at his pleasure in Scotland, and governs the governor himself. In the town of St Johnston he hung up four respectable citizens, for no other cause than because they had requested a monk, in the middle of his sermon, not to depart in his doctrine from the sacred text, and not to mix up notions of his own with the words of Christ. Along with these a most respectable matron, carrying a sucking child in her arms, was haled before the tribunal and condemned to death by drowning. They report that the constancy of the woman was such that, when her husband was led to the scaffold and mounted the ladder, she followed and mounted along with him, and entreated to be allowed to hang from the same beam. She encouraged him to be of good cheer, for in a few hours, said she, I shall be with Christ along with you. They declare also that the governor was inclined to liberate them, but that the cardinal suborned the nobles to threaten that they would leave him if the condemned were not put to death. When the cardinal arrived with his army at Dundee, from which the monks had been expelled, all the citizens took to flight; and when he saw the town quite deserted he laughed, and remarked that he had expected to find it full of Lutherans."

[Sidenote: He pleads for National Union.]

[Sidenote: He repels the Cry of Innovation.]

Before the expiry of that year Alesius addressed to the chief nobles, prelates, barons, and to the whole people of Scotland, his Cohortatio ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrinae Christianae defensionem. This piece, Dr Lorimer tells us, "is instinct throughout with the spirit of true Christian patriotism, as well as with genuine evangelical earnestness and fervour. Lamenting the distractions of the kingdom by opposing political factions—the French faction and the English—he [like the author of the Complaynt of Scotland a few years later] implores his countrymen to lay aside these divisions, and demonstrates by many examples from classical history the dangers of national disunion, and the duty of patriotic concord in defence of the safety and honour of their common country. His expostulations against the oppression and cruelty of the bishops, and his allusions to the martyrs who had suffered in the cause of truth, are full of interest; and his digression, in particular, upon the character and martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton, is a noble burst of eloquence and pathos. When he exhorts to national union he means union in the truth—union in the one great work of purifying religion and reforming the corruptions of the church of God. What urgent need there was of such a work he demonstrates at much length, and with great freedom and faithfulness. Unless the church of Christ be reformed it must perish from the earth, and those are its worst enemies, not its real friends, who oppose such indispensable reform." "Everywhere," he says, "we see the church driven forward to such reform. Ask even those who are most solicitous for its welfare, and they will tell you that the church can no longer be safe or free from troubles unless it be strengthened by the removal of abuses. If this, then, is a measure of absolute necessity unless we would see the whole church go to ruin; if all men confess that this should be done, if facts themselves call with a loud voice that some care should be taken to relieve the labouring [bark of the] church, to purify her depraved doctrine, and to reform her whole administration,—why, I demand, are those maligned and vilified who discover and point out the church's faults and failings? The proper remedies could not possibly have been applied till the disease was known; and yet the men who point it out, warn of its virulence and danger, and wish to alleviate or entirely remove it, are hated and persecuted as much as if they had been themselves the cause of all." With equal vigour he repels the cry of innovation raised against the reformers and their teaching. Their work was rather an honest attempt at restoration. What they sought, he said, "was just such a change as would take place in the manners of an age if the gravity, modesty, and frugality of ancient times were to take the place of levity, lewdness, luxury, and other vices. Such a change might be termed the introduction of what was novel, but in fact it was only the reintroduction of what was old and primitive. Let us," he exclaims, "have innovation everywhere if only we can get the true for the false, seriousness for levity, and solid realities for empty dreams." "It is no new doctrine we bring, but the most ancient, nay rather the eternal truth, for it proclaims that Jesus Christ, the Son of God, came into the world to save sinners, and that we are saved by faith in Him. Of Him even Moses wrote, and to Him give all the prophets witness, that whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission of sins. This is the old doctrine which runs through all the ages. Those which are really new are the doctrines which have obscured or contaminated it, brought in by those entrusted with the care of the vineyard of the Lord, and who, like the keepers of the vineyard in the Gospel parable, have maltreated and slain many of the Lord's messengers."

This was the last service, so far as we know, which Alesius was able to render to the cause of the Reformation in his native land, and it did not fail in due time to produce abundant and lasting fruit. As Major before him, so Knox after him, strenuously contended for union of Scotsmen among themselves; and after that, but only after that, for a league with England rather than with France. They laboured, and others entered into their labours, and, proceeding on the same lines on which they had worked, at last brought the conflict to a triumphant issue. Tidings of their success filled Alesius with joy in the land of his exile. Even these, however, failed in his old age to tempt him back to the home of his youth, or the scene of those early struggles which were so deeply engraven on his memory and heart. And, so far as we know, he received no call to return from those who were then at the head of affairs in Scotland, though unquestionably he was more deeply read in theology than any one of them, and though, as unquestionably, the faculty of divinity was for several years but poorly supplied in the universities of Scotland, and preachers of ability, culture, and learning were very rare in the land.

[Sidenote: Appreciation of his Services.]

His life, especially after the close of the Schmalkaldic war, seems to have passed tranquilly and happily at the great Lutheran University of Leipsic. He was loved and honoured by his colleagues and by his prince, and, as I have already hinted, he was the bosom friend and unremitting correspondent of Melanchthon. As his services had been called into requisition by the Preceptor Germaniae at the colloquies of Worms and Regensburg, so were they sought and got at the colloquy of Saxon theologians for the preparation of the Leipsic Interim in 1548, at that of Naumburg in 1554, at that of Nuremberg in 1555, and that of Dresden in 1561. "In all these"—the Leipsic professor, who on the occasion of the first centenary of his second rectorship pronounced an oration on him, affirms that—"he so conducted himself that no one could charge him with want of perseverance in building up the truth, or of judiciousness in examining the errors of others, or of faithfulness and dexterity in the counsels he gave." M'Kenzie, who has inserted a sketch of his career in his 'Lives of Eminent Scotsmen,' assures us that in the conference of Naumburg he acquitted himself to the admiration of the whole assembly, for which he is highly commended by Camerarius in his 'Life of Melanchthon'; and further, that in the year 1555 the disciples of Andrew Osiander having raised great dissensions in the city of Nuremberg respecting the doctrine of justification, Melanchthon made choice of Alesius as the fittest person to appease them by his wisdom and learning, and that his management answered Melanchthon's expectations, though Alesius himself had previously taken a side in the controversy. In the Majoristic controversy, Alesius, like Melanchthon, so far sided with Major as to maintain against the extreme Lutherans the necessity of good works, not to justification, but to final salvation; and in 1560 he seems to have discussed this question in one of his so-called disputationes.

With respect to his private life, we are told by Thomasius that he had by his English wife one son, whose name was Caspar, and who died while still a youth, and had a monument erected by his father to his memory, bearing the simple inscription, "Caspari. Filiolo. Alexander. Alesius. Doctor. Lugens. Posuit." He had at least two daughters. One named Christina, Thomasius tells us, was married to a German bearing the classical name Marcus Scipio: she outlived her husband, and died in 1604, in the fifty-ninth year of her age. The name of the other daughter does not seem to have been known to Thomasius, but as he states that she was given in marriage in 1557, we can have no doubt that she is the same Anna whose wedding is referred to in a letter of Alesius to Melanchthon, recently unearthed, and inviting him and other friends in Wittenberg to the wedding.

[Sidenote: His Death.]

[Sidenote: Deserves a Memorial.]

Alesius himself died on the 17th March 1565, and was buried at Leipsic; but no stone was raised, or, if raised, now remains, to tell where his ashes repose. In all probability it was in his son's grave, in the church of St Paul, in the city of Leipsic, that his ashes were laid to rest. The only monuments to his memory reared at the time and still existing are those furnished by our own John Johnston—second master of St Mary's College, and colleague of Andrew Melville—in his Latin poems on the Scottish martyrs and confessors, and entitled [Greek: Peri Stephanon] and by Beza in his 'Icones.' Johnston, joining together Macchabaeus and Alesius, says:—

"Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitaeque laborumque, Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor. Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum; Pertulimus pariter praestite cuncta Deo. Dania te coluit. Me Lipsia culta docentem. Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonus."

Beza says, "He was a man dear to all the learned, who would have been a distinguished ornament of Scotland if that country had recovered the light of the Gospel at an earlier period; and who, when rejected by both Scotland and England, was most eagerly embraced by the evangelical church of Saxony, and continued to be warmly cherished and esteemed by her to the day of his death." The man who was held in such high esteem by the reforming Archbishops of Cologne and Canterbury; who was the bosom friend of Melanchthon; who was highly thought of by Luther, and warmly eulogised by Beza and Johnston, was certainly not one whose memory his countrymen should willingly let die. He was unquestionably the most cultured, probably also the most liberal and conciliatory, of the Scottish theologians of the sixteenth century. He was the first to plead publicly before the authorities of the nation for the right of every household and every individual to have access to the Word of God in the vernacular tongue, and to impress on parents the sacred duty of sedulously inculcating its teaching on their children, and therefore, as Christopher Anderson has said, "the man who struck the first note in giving a tone to that character," for which his native country has since been known, and often since commended, as Bible-loving Scotland. Had his countrymen not so long lost sight of him, perhaps some stone of remembrance might have been found to his memory in Germany; but surely, though he was so long an exile, the chief memorial of his birth and death ought to be in Edinburgh or St Andrews. "There, in reference to the cause he advocated, no inappropriate emblem" would be "a father and his child reading the same sacred volume; and, for a motto, in remembrance of his position at the moment, perhaps his own memorable quotation of the Athenian, 'Strike, but hear me.'"

FOOTNOTES:

[Alesius thus proceeds: "Et in mari inter tempestates et 18 diebus subtus terram in teterrimo specu inter bufones et serpentes custodivit (oportet enim me haec alicubi commemorare pro gratitudine erga Deum). Hic igitur Salvator omnium, maxime fidelium, perficiet id quod per me facere instituit" (In Alteram ad Timotheum expositio. Autore Alexandro Alesio. D. Lipsiae, 1551, sign. A 2).]

D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 13, 14. [D'Aubigne is here following, or rather embellishing, the account which Alesius thus gives in another of his works: "Pueri, me adhuc puero, quasdam sententias excerptas ex Joanne, scriptas in membrana, ut illam, in principio erat verbum, Ecce agnus Dei, &c., Sic Deus dilexit mundum, Ego sum resurrectio et vita, &c., ac similes, vel auro et argento inclusas circa collum gestabant, non tam ornamenti causa, quam quod magnam vim et virtutem in his collocarent contra incantationes et pericula, in quae diabolus saepe pueros incautos solet conjicere. Memini frequenter, et quoties reminiscor, toto corpore cohorresco, me in praerupto altissimi montis manibus et pedibus reptantem, ac proximum praecipitio, subito translatum nescio a quo aut quomodo, in alium locum: et alia vice ex eminentiori deambulacro aedium patris cadentem inter acervum lapidum poliendorum ad aedificium, servatum esse divinitus.

"Non tribuo hanc salutem sententiis ex Joanne, quas forsan aliorum puerorum more circumferebam: sed fidei parentum, qui harum sententiam mente circumferebant, et pro me orabant. Sed tamen, ut mihi videtur, magis deceret nobilitatem Christianam, has et similes sententias in auro et lapidibus preciosis insculptas a collo dependentes circumferre, quam ethnicorum Regum ac Caesarum imagines" (Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Basileae, 1553. Epistola Dedicatoria, pp. 14-16).]

[In a list of names without a heading, he appears as "Alexr. Allane na. Lau.," which shows that of the nations into which the members of the university were then classified, he belonged to Lothian. In the list of determinants he appears as "Allexr. Alan." Opposite his name and the names of his class-fellows is the word "pauperes," which shows that they paid no fees.]

He himself at a later period ingenuously acknowledges that his arguments in great part were borrowed from the treatise of an English bishop, namely Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who at the request of Henry VIII. had replied to Luther's attack on that monarch.

D'Aubigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 59, 60.

Laing's Knox, i. 40, 41.

[See it so described in the passage quoted, supra, p. 240 n.]

[He calls it a latrina in his 'Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias,' sign. A v.]

[Now known as Bishop's Hall.]

Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj.

Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj.

Ibid.

No doubt James Wedderburn, merchant at the West Kirk Style of Dundee, who carried on a large trade with the Continent, and was known to be friendly to those holding the reformed opinions. One of his sons was then studying at St Andrews, and probably had been the means of communication between the canons and Dundee to secure beforehand a speedy departure for their fugitive friend. [For many interesting details concerning the sons of this Dundee merchant, see Dr Mitchell's Wedderburns and their Work, 1867; and also his edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, pp. xvii-xxxii, lxxxiii-civ.]

[In his Introduction (pp. xviii-xx) to Gau's 'Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine,' Dr Mitchell says: "The treatise 'De Apostolicis Traditionibus,' in which he [i.e., Alesius] has given an account of his visit, and of the manner in which he was received by his countrymen and the reforming preachers of Malmoe, is one of the rarest of his minor treatises, and is not to be found in any of our Scottish libraries, nor in the British Museum, nor even in the library of the University of Leipsic, in which he was so long an honoured professor.... Neither the name of Gau nor that of any other of his countrymen then in the city is given by Alesius.... Principal Lorimer has ingeniously conjectured that Gau may have come out to act as chaplain to his countrymen at Malmoe. And I am inclined to accept the conjecture to a modified extent.... At any rate, we find that before the close of 1533 he was in Denmark, and had got such an accurate knowledge of the Danish language that he had translated and published a treatise of considerable length from Danish into his native Scotch." In the Appendix to the same Introduction (p. xlv) Dr Mitchell explains that "modern Danish scholars express doubts whether, in the early part of the 16th century, any nation, save the German as represented by the Hanseatic League, was organised as a distinct community at Malmoe."]

[This sentence is interlined, and the word which seems to be first is rather indistinct.]

In the preceding narrative I have availed myself of the details which Alesius has given us of his labours and sufferings in his commentaries and lesser treatises, and especially in two of the smallest of them, both published in 1533, the one bearing the title—"Alexandri Alesii Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcopor[=u] in Scotia, quod prohibet legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua vernacula"; the other "Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei Calvmnias."

[The nature of the arguments used by Alesius in this epistle may be learned from the lengthy extracts quoted in Christopher Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 430-437.]

[This reply by Cochlaeus, which is dated 6th June 1533, is entitled: "An Expediat Laicis, legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua Vernacula? Ad Serenissimvm Scotiae Regem Iacobum V. Disputatio inter Alexandrum Alesium Scotum, & Iohannem Cochlaeum Germanum. Anno d[=n]i M.D. XXXIII." A beautiful copy of this very rare work was secured at the Laing sale for the library of the Church of Scotland. There is also a copy in the Signet Library. A few extracts may be found in Anderson's Annals, ii. 439-441.]

[A beautiful copy of this excessively rare tract was also secured for the Church library at the Laing sale.]

[For a translation by Dr Mitchell of that part of the Responsio which relates to the opinions of Alesius, see Appendix E.]

[Dr Mitchell possessed copies of several of the other tracts of Cochlaeus, as well as of this: "Pro Scotiae Regno Apologia Iohannis Cochlei, adversvs personatum Alexandrum Alesium Scotum. Ad Sereniss. Scotor[=u] reg[=e]. M.D.XXXIIII." It ends: "Excusum Lipsiae apud Michaelem Blum."]

[Alesius says: "I was at Antwerp whan a contryman of myne, whose name was John Foster, did send a somme of mony unto Cochleus by a marchant from the Bisshop of S. Andrews, which geveth him yerely so long as he liveth a certen stipend. And it chanced by the goodnes of God, wherby He discloseth the wickednes of these hipocytes (sic), that a pistle of Cochleus which he sent unto a certen bisshop of Pole came unto my handes, wherin he complayneth that he hath gret losse and evel fortune in setting forth of bokes, for as moch as no man wil wetesaue to rede his bokes. And he beggeth a yerely stipend of the bisshops of Pole, saing that he hath bene nobly rewarded of the King of Scottys and of the Archbisshop of S. Andrews and of the Bisshop of Glasguo" ('Of the Auctorite of the Word of God').]

[From the Treasurer's Accounts, as quoted by M'Crie, it appears that the servant who brought over his book received L10 (M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 321 n.).]

[15th March 1542-43 (Acts of Parliament, ii. 415).]

[The title is: "De Avthoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri Alesij, contra Episcopum Lundensem. An. M.D.XLII." The preface is dated: "Francfordiae ad Oderam. Calend. Maijs. an. Domini M.D.XL." The colophon is: "Argentorati apvd Cratonem Mylivm an. M.D.XLII. mense Septembri." The translation, which is in black-letter, bears no date, place, or printer's name. For a copy of its title, see infra, p. 268 n.]

[Alesius says that he was the bearer of the Loci Theologici, which he had persuaded Melanchthon to dedicate to Henry VIII. (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 525).]

[He was in London during the time of the trial and execution of Anne Boleyn. He sent Elizabeth an account of a dream or vision which he then had. See Appendix F.]

[There is "great uncertainty" as to whether this meeting took place in 1536 or 1537 (Hardwick's Reformation, 1883, p. 182 n.). The year 1537 is given by Alesius in his 'De Avthoritate Verbi Dei' (p. 18), and is repeated in the translation. In the latter it is said: "Contrary to all my expectacion I chanced to fall agayn into such a disputacyon as I was in before, and in maner with like adversarys.... Unto this disputacion I came sodenly unprepared, for as I did mete bi chance in the streate the right excellent Lord Crumwel going unto the Parlament Howse in the yeare 1537, he whan he sawe me called me unto him, and toke me with him to the Parlament House to Westmyster (sic), where we fownd all the bisshops gathered together."]

Cattley's Foxe, v. 381-384. [The whole of this account, as Cattley points out, is taken by Foxe almost verbatim from a statement made by Alesius himself in his rare tract entitled, Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London, wherein are conteyned certen disputacyons had in the Parlament Howse betwene the Bisshops, abowt the nomber of the Sacraments, and other things very necessary to be known: made by Alexander Alane Scot and sent to the Duke of Saxon. Christopher Anderson says that this translation of the tract De Authoritate Verbi Dei Liber was made by Edmund Allen. So completely had the original name of Alesius dropped out of knowledge that Anderson actually charges the printer with committing "a strange blunder in the title." Believing that Ales was the real name of Alesius, he thought that the printer had divided the name of the author between the author and the translator ('Annals of the English Bible,' ii. 479 n.).]

[For the circumstances of his departure, see Appendix G.]

[For M'Alpine, see Gau's Richt Vay, Introd., p. xii.]

"I owe much," he says, "to your father, who received me most hospitably at my first coming hither, and, in name of Duke Maurice (now Elector of Saxony), invited me to give my services to this famous university, and retained me here some years after, when I was called elsewhere" (i.e., probably Koenigsberg), "promising me the favour and grace of the most illustrious prince elector. Finally, after the war, he encouraged me, then hesitating, to write to the elector to beg the restitution of my books and other effects, which I had lost at the time of the siege of this city, kindly offering his best services in rendering my supplicatory letter to the prince, by which, however, he only succeeded in securing that the elector, when departing from his own dominions to attend the imperial diet, should give instructions on the matter to his counsellors whom he had left at home, and should deliver to be sent on to me a letter full of kindness through Damianus Sybothendorff, secretary to his highness."

On the former of which occasions he inscribed the following paragraph in the matriculation book of the university: "Anno MDLV, die 23 Aprilis, qui Divo Georgio sacer est, et quo existimo me natum esse, supputatis retro LV annis, ego Alexander Alesius, gente Scotus, Patria Edinburgensis, atavis consulibus, qui duobus regibus, Jacobo Quinto, et Henrico Octavo, et quatuor electoribus, Johanni Friderico, Mauricio et Augusto, Ducibus Saxoniae, et Joachimo Electori Brandeburgensi inservivi, invitus suscepi officium rectoris universitatis scholae in inclyta urbe Lipsia."

Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, 1860, pp. 112, 113. [The Perth martyrs are noticed above, pp. 53, 54. See also Laing's Knox, i. 117, 118, 523-526.]

Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, 1860, pp. 115, 116. [The quotations from the Cohortatio which follow agree substantially with those given by Dr Lorimer, but many of the variations in the phraseology show that Dr Mitchell had the original as well as Lorimer's translation before him when he wrote.]

See Appendix H.

M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 462.

Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 485. For a list of the published writings of Alesius see Appendix I.

APPENDIX A (p. 19).

THE PAEDAGOGIUM, OR ST MARY'S COLLEGE, ST ANDREWS.

St Mary's College, if in one sense the youngest, is in another sense the oldest, college within the University. It occupies the earliest site of the University, and gathers up into itself not only the old Paedagogium, but also a still older college. In January 1418 ... a certain Robertus de Monte Rosarum mortified a site on the south side of South Street, with the buildings thereon, as a college for the study of theology and arts. This was the strip of ground on which the eastern portion of the Library, as well as the new south wing, now stands, but on which, in the oldest bird's-eye view of the city, a sort of collegiate building is represented as standing. That was undoubtedly the College, or Hall, or "Inns" of St John, to which repeated reference is made in the oldest manuscript records of the University. It had probably a lecture-room, rooms for the students to lodge in, and a chapel also, dedicated to St John the Evangelist, in which daily service was maintained, but, so far as we now know, it was very poorly endowed.

In 1430 Bishop Wardlaw, the illustrious founder of the University, mortified as a site for a Paedagogium or common school for the faculty of arts the strip of land and buildings thereon immediately to the west of St John's College—the frontage now covered by the western portion of the Library, the porch of St Mary's College, and the Principal's house. After the erection and endowment of St Salvator's College by Bishop Kennedy, and of St Leonard's College by Prior Hepburn, the attendance on the Paedagogium, which was but slenderly endowed, seems to have fallen off, and the number of its regents to have been curtailed. Archbishop Alexander Stewart, the favourite pupil of Erasmus, and one of the most accomplished of our long line of chancellors, was the first who formed the purpose of enlarging and endowing Bishop Wardlaw's foundation, but his life was prematurely brought to a close on the fatal field of Flodden. His successor, Andrew Forman, appears to have taken no interest in the work on which Stewart had set his heart. But James Betoun, who came next in succession, acted a nobler part. He brought with him from Glasgow John Major—the one great schoolman of whom Scotland in the sixteenth century could boast, who had upheld the reputation of his country in the University of Paris as an able and successful teacher of the philosophy and theology of the day. Major and Patrick Hamilton—the one the representative of the old, the other of the new learning—were incorporated into the University of St Andrews on the same day (9th June 1523); and, for at least two years, the former presided over the Paedagogium, and probably lectured both on philosophy and theology. In 1525-26 he returned to Paris, partly that he might publish there his commentaries on the Gospels, and partly that he might act again as a teacher in that wider sphere; but a few years later, on a vacancy occurring in the principality of St Salvator's College, he returned to St Andrews, and continued in that more lucrative charge till his death.

It was mainly in his last years, however, that James Betoun set himself in right earnest to complete the work which Archbishop Stewart had begun. At his solicitation Pope Paul III., on 12th February 1537, issued a bull annexing the teinds of the church of Tannadice, in Forfarshire, and of the wealthier church of Tyninghame, in East Lothian, to the old foundation, and erecting it into a privileged college under the title of the Blessed Mary of the Assumption. In this college, medicine, law, and theology, as well as arts, were henceforth to be taught, and the privilege was granted to it of conferring degrees in all lawful faculties, and of conferring them on those who had gained their knowledge elsewhere as well as on those who had studied within the college—in fact, making it almost a university within the University, and conceding to it more extensive powers than were conceded to many universities. His first work was to replace the decaying buildings of the Paedagogium by others more massive and commodious. That work was far from finished at the time of his death, and having been intermitted by his successor [the cardinal], was only completed by Archbishop Hamilton, who, with papal sanction, reconstituted the college and added to its endowments.

Early, however, in 1538, the first staff of teachers entered on their work as a college organised and equipped "ut militans Dei ecclesia indies abundet viris litterarum scientia praeditis," and few institutions through a long and eventful history have more illustriously fulfilled this object, though in another sense than its founders meant, and handed on the torch of sacred learning from generation to generation. Bannerman, who succeeded Major, had the honour of reorganising the old institution and starting it on its new career. Archibald Hay, who came next, was the child of the Renaissance, and more in earnest about religion than many of that school; and, had his life been spared, and the cardinal given heed to his counsels, the old Church might have been able to make a better fight for privilege or for life in the struggle which ensued. John Douglas, his successor, bridged the passage from the old to the new without any violent break, probably taking part with Wynram in the composition of Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism, as he did afterwards in the preparation of the Reformed Confession of Faith and the First Book of Discipline. He was a man of the ancient academic type, content to live in single blessedness, to treat his pupils, who also lived in college, with the familiarity and affection of a father. He had the honour of training the youthful Andrew Melville, and perhaps it was with some presentiment of his future eminence that, as he held the precocious youth between his knees at the college fire, he fondly said, "My sillie fatherless and motherless chyld, it is ill to wit what God may mak of thee yit."

God watched over that weakly youth, and prospered his studies at Paris, Poictiers, and Geneva, so that with a mind stored with all the learning of his time, he returned to his native land to complete the reformation of its universities, and to delight successive generations of students by his stores of learning and wit, and by his accessibility and generosity. It was to meet his ideas of what a theological school should be that the college was set apart "allenarly" for the study of theology, and furnished with professors of the Old and the New Testament, who were to "expone" the various books of Scripture as well as to read them in the original, comparing the Hebrew of the Old Testament with the Septuagint and the Chaldee paraphrases, and the Greek of the New Testament with the old Syriac translation, while the principal was to teach the loci communes or the systematic theology of the age. The first assistants in the "wark of theology" were Mr John Robertson, who acted as professor Novi Testamenti, and his own nephew, James Melville, who taught Hebrew and the Old Testament, and to whom we owe that graphic diary which gives us several interesting glimpses of college life in those early days. To John Robertson succeeded Mr John Johnston, author of Latin poems in praise of our reformers and martyrs, and of Latin verses descriptive of the line of our Scottish kings.

Melville was by no means an illiberal theologian, and he and Johnston wrote to the Protestant churches of France urging moderation on them in controversies which were then being discussed with great bitterness. Both lived with and for their pupils, and secured in an unusual degree their reverence and affection. Both ultimately lost the favour of the king; and Melville, after being cruelly used in London, had to spend his declining years in the French Protestant University of Sedan.

FOOTNOTES:

[This is taken from a paper on "St Mary's College," contributed by Dr Mitchell to the "Student's Handbook to the University of St Andrews," 1895, pp. 12-15.]

APPENDIX B (p. 30).

CITATIO PATRICII HAMILTON

E FORMULARI VETERE ANDREANO.

Citatio super suspecto de heresi ad faciendum purgationem alias ad videndum [ipsum] hereticum declarari.

Jacobus etc., Decano Christianitatis nostre de L[audonia] Universisque et singulis aliis Dominis rectoribus, vicariis perpetuis, capellanis curatis et non curatis per provinciam nostram S[ti Andree] ubilibet constitutis, Illique vel illis ad quem vel ad quos presentes litere pervenerint, Salutem cum benedictione divina: Quia per fidelem inquisitionem aliter de mandato nostro legitime receptam compertum extitit quendam Magistrum P[atricium] H[amilton] de heresi multiplici suspectum, quem citandum et desuper accusandum antea decrevimus, sed medio tempore relicta patria ad alia et extera se transtulit loca, nuper autem vagante fama ad aures nostras clamorosa insinuatione pervenit Ipsum nuperrime in patriam reversum et quod primo statim adventu non debite missus nec prerogativis aut privilegiis debitis munitus, sed propria auctoritate et temeraria presumptione, predicationis officium de heresi ei designata acceptare ausus est, et suas hereticas pravitates et perversas Martini Lutheri heretici alias ab ecclesia damnati et suorum fautorum ac sequacium opiniones promulgare, docens seminansve et pertinaciter affirmans, ac populum Christianum de eisdem instruere non erubescit, indeque simplices et illiteratos hujus regni Christi fideles qui in se et progenitoribus per tanta temporis curricula, spatio viz. mille et trecentorum annorum et ultra in ecclesia Dei constantissime militaverunt, a vera nostra orthodoxa fide et catholica ecclesia seducere, et quantum in eo est pervertere nititur et proponit, dicendo predicando et temerario ausu inter alia palam et publice affirmando:—

Legibus, canonibus, patrum sanctionibus et decretis, humanis quoque constitutionibus non esse obtemperandum; Claves et censuras ecclesie contempnendas, nec sacramentis ejusdem fidendum, Templa non esse frequentanda, nec ymagines adorandas, pro defunctorum animabus non esse exorandum; nec decimas Deo et ecclesie solvendas; pro bonis operibus nullum fore salutis premium nec pro malis cruciatum; Nostros progenitores in ecclesia Dei et ejusdem sacramentis fidentes in mala et iniqua fide esse mortuos et in inferno sepultos:—

Aliaque dictu et recitatu saltem inter Christianos et fideles horrenda et nephanda predicat docet et affirmat in Dei viventis claviumque ecclesie ac nostre fidei orthodoxe contemptum, regni et reipublice ejusdem damnum scandalum et, digna Dei ultione, si premissis favere incipiat, sperandam ruinam, animabusque perpetrantium gravissimum periculum nisi remedio succurratur oportuno: In quibus omnibus et singulis idem Magister P. communi voce et fama ex publica et notoria ejusdem predicatione orta de heresi suspectus reputatur, habetur et divulgatur. Consilio igitur desuper recepto ipsum citandum et de premissis experiendum decrevimus: Quare vobis et vestrum cuilibet nos precipimus et mandamus, quatenus citetis legitime dictum Magistrum P. H. primo, secundo, tertio et peremptorie etc. quod compareat personaliter coram [nobis] nostrisque consulibus D[=n]is Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, sacrarum literarum Professoribus, et Religiosis, aliisque nobis pro tempore assistentibus, in ecclesia nostra Metropolitana S[ti Andree] regni Scotie primatiali, die N mensis N proxime futuris, hora decima antemeridiana vel eo circa, ad respondendum nobis ex officio de et super suis pertinaciter dictis, affirmatis, predicatis, divulgatis, tentis et disputatis contra nostram orthodoxam fidem et sanctam ecclesiam catholicam; et propterea ad videndum et audiendum ipsum hereticum declarari, et pena condigna a canonibus propterea lata et imperata puniendum fore et puniri debere; superque adherentia et favoribus prestitis peregrinis opinionibus et pravitatibus dicti Martini Lutheri, heretici ab ecclesia damnati, et suorum sequacium; ac aliis interrogandis similiter reddendis, et tanquam heretice pravitatis fautorem et male de fide sentientem accusandum fore et accusari ac condempnari debere. Testimonia quoque et probationes, si necesse fuerit, desuper recipi, jurari, et admitti; ac in premissis omnibus et singulis summarie et de plano sine strepitu et figura judicii prout juris fuerit procedendum fore et procedi debere; Vel ad allegandum causam rationabilem quare premissa fieri non deberent; Cum intimatione debita, ut moris est, intimamus eidem quod sive dictis die et loco comparere curaverit sive non comparuerit Nos nihilominus in premissis omnibus et singulis procedere volumus et intendimus justitia mediante; Imprimis absentia seu contumacia in aliquo non obstante; et ne periculum sit in mora, et ut interim hujus hereses in hoc regno hucusque ab omni tali labe et heretica peste per tanta temporis spatia sano, et post Christi Salvatoris susceptam fidem inviolabiliter preservato, non oriantur nec per Christi fideles audiantur, vobis omnibus et singulis supradictis, modo et forma premissis precipimus et mandamus, quatenus auctoritate nostra inhibentes omnibus et singulis Christi fidelibus cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis aut conditionis existant, ne dicto Magistro P. sic ut premittitur, de heresi suspecto, favorem, assistentiam, societatem, colloquium seu gratam audientiam praebeant; nec in suis temerariis et insolentibus predicationibus disputationibus seu conventiclis publice vel occulte quovis quesito colore vel ingenio conveniant seu presentiam exhibeant; sed sibi et suis saltem de premissis fautoribus resistere studeant, resistentiamque faciant et procurent; ab illo quoque edendo, bibendo aut communicando in premissis abstineant, donec de heresi et infamia desuper orta purgetur, et eundem vitent sub pena excommunicationis majoris; Quam contrarium facientes incurrere volumus et decernimus ipso facto. Et quos vos, etc. Datum, etc.

APPENDIX C (p. 46).

CARDINAL BETOUN'S INCONTINENCE.

"While ... he was possessed," Mr M'Bain tells us, "of eminent qualities, he led, in many respects, anything but a moral life. His favourite mistress was Marion Ogilvie, daughter of Sir James, afterwards Lord, Ogilvie of Airlie, to whom [as Abbot of Arbroath] he granted a liferent lease of the lands of Burnton of Ethie, and other lands near the place, for a small sum of money and other causes. This was on the 22nd of May 1528. On the 20th of July 1530, he granted her a liferent lease of the Kirkton of St Vigeans, with the muir-fauld and the toft of St Vigeans, and a piece of common land lying to the south of the church. On 17th February 1533-34, she obtained a nineteen years' lease of the eighth part of the lands of Auchmithie [lying to the north-east of Ethie], with the brew-house there, and the lands belonging to it, and on 10th March 1534[-35] there is the record of a feu to her of a piece of land in the 'Sandpots,' for the construction of a toral or ustrina lying 'beyond and near the red wall of the monastery commonly so called'" (Eminent Arbroathians, 1897, pp. 37, 38). For these facts Mr M'Bain has the authority of the 'Registrum de Aberbrothoc,' Bannatyne Club, ii. 482, 500, 519, 521. On p. 482 are the words: "Pro certa summa pecunie et aliis causis assedat pro toto tempore vite Mariote Ogylwy subtenentibus coadjutoribus et assignatis," &c. Mr M'Bain adds: "It is not known by whom Ethie House was built, but it was [one of the mansions belonging to the abbey and] a favourite residence of David Beaton and Marion Ogilvie, his mistress.... After Beaton's death a natural daughter of his by Marion Ogilvie laid claim to the furniture in Ethie House, if not to the house itself.... But Ethie was not the only place in the neighbourhood occupied by David Beaton and Marion Ogilvie. In 1542 he acquired the barony of Melgund, and erected the castle in which he and his mistress and their children resided. The Beaton and the Ogilvie arms are still to be seen in one of the rooms. The initials 'D.B.' are over one window, and 'M.O.' over the other; while on the corbal of the stair leading to this room are the Ogilvie arms, and the initials 'M.O.' ... David Beaton settled the property of Melgund on his mistress in liferent, and on his eldest son David in fee" (Eminent Arbroathians, pp. 38, 39).

[According to Dr Joseph Robertson, "Cardinal Beaton had five bastards" ('Concilia Scotiae,' ii. 302). There is record evidence, however, to show that he had at least seven. On the 4th of November 1539, three of his sons were legitimated in the following terms: "Rex dedit literas legitimationis Jacobo Betoun, Alexandro Betoun et Johanni Betoun, bastardis, filiis naturalibus Davidis archiepiscopis S. Andree, &c." (Register of Great Seal, iii. No. 2037). He had also a son David (Ibid., No. 1931), and three daughters, Elizabeth (Ibid., Nos. 1274, 2330), Margaret, and Agnes (Ibid., iv. Nos. 1353, 2740; 'Liber Officialis Sancti Andree,' Abbotsford Club, p. 158).]

APPENDIX D (p. 124).

CONDITIONS ON WHICH THE USE OF THE CHURCH OF THE WHITE LADIES AT FRANKFORT WAS GRANTED TO THE ENGLISH EXILES.

"Nun war bey Ankunft der Engellaender eine Kirche in Frankfurt, die einigen franzoesischen Protestanten zum Gebrauch eingeraeumt war, welche nun auch zum Behuf der Engellaender in Vorschlag gebracht, und am 14 Julii ihnen wirklich angewiesen wurde. Doch machte der Rath gewisse Ordnungen, und suchte die Sache also einzurichten, das allerlei Disputen, die etwa entstehen moegten, der Weg verlaget wurde. Die vornehmsten waren diese: (a) dass die Engellaender und Franzosen einerley Lehre und Ceremonien fuehren sollten; Daher sollten jene (b) der Franzosen Glaubensbekaentniss, das diese N.B. dem Rath ueberreichet hatten, unterschreiben. (c) Liessen sich die Engellaender gefallen, dass das Volk bey dem gemeinen Gebet das Amen nicht mehr laut sagen sollte, wie sonst in der Kirche von Engelland ueblich ist. (d) Dass die Prediger das weisse Chorhemde, nebst vielen andern in Engelland eingefuehrten Ceremonien abschaffen sollten, als welche den Einwohnern, die solcher Dinge ungewohnt waeren, einstossig seyn koennten. Und was der gleichen Umstaende mehr waren, welche die Engellaender, um desto eher zum Stande zu kommen, freiwillig eingiengen."—J. Hildebrand Withof, 'Vertheidigung der.... Nachricht wie es mit V. Pollane erstem Reformirten Prediger zu Frankfurt-am-Mayn ... zugegangen,' 1753, folio.

APPENDIX E (p. 260).

THE THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS OF ALESIUS.

(From the 'Responsio ad Cochlei Calvmnias.')

"With all his scribbling, he [i.e., Cochlaeus] has never yet, so far as I know, disclosed what are his own opinions about Christian doctrine; and therefore his empty and scurrilous treatises miss their mark, and are justly held in derision by learned men.... But I, renowned monarch, that you may know that my alliance is with the Church of Christ and not with any other factions, do not refuse before you and other good men to give a simple and clear account of my faith as I formerly wrote to you, for I believe the prophetical and apostolical Scriptures, and embrace the consensus of the holy fathers whom the Church approves. I also reverence the ecclesiastical authority, being one who, especially in doubtful matters, will obey and follow its decisions. Does Cochlaeus ask anything further? I myself will add, I approve of nothing seditious. With my whole heart and soul I abhor the ravings of the Anabaptists. No new doctrine, unsupported by the testimony of the ancient Church, is acceptable to me. Further still, as I do not undertake the defence of Luther, so, on the other hand, I do not approve of all the dreams of the monks which have been received, not only contrary to the decision of the Scripture, but also to the authority of the ancient church. Moreover, I cannot approve of the cruelty which is everywhere being practised against those who, following the judgment of Scripture and of the fathers, reject or censure any manifest abuse or error that in the course of time may have crept into the Church. Such is my faith, O Cochlaeus, use it if you are pleased with it; if not, show me a better. If the unjust punishments inflicted on the truly pious afford you pleasure, you are not only a miserable, but a contemptible wretch. I neither can nor will ever knowingly burden or pollute my conscience by approving of these parricides. I saw in my own country the punishment of one, born in a most honourable station, and innocent of any serious crime, Patrick [Hamilton]. I saw burned at Cologne two men of pious and orthodox sentiments, and most averse to the fanatical opinions of the Anabaptists. Nor can I express in words how deeply I was grieved by these mournful spectacles. And I did not grieve only over the fate of those who were punished, in whom because, as the poet says, 'grace shone through their very anguish,' their singular bravery and constancy brought some alleviation to my grief; but much more did I grieve over the fate of the Church, which is disordered in many ways, and likely yet to be more so, by the practice of such cruelty. Finally, there is no doubt that the State will, in God's appointed time, have to suffer heaviest punishment for its guilt in permitting such parricides; yet I do not impugn the laws as to the punishment of heretics, if only there is due cognition of each case, and care is taken that those who are really innocent of perverting the true Christian faith may not be punished."

Then follows a paragraph of great importance in itself, and of almost as much from the light it casts on its author's state of mind, and, perhaps, also on Melanchthon's, at that particular time:—

"I myself also desire moderation in certain things on the part of the Lutherans, and reasonableness. To this they may be recalled if the matters in dispute are duly examined into. It is the duty of the bishops to do their utmost that learned men of either side should lovingly confer together on Christian doctrine, that some one certain form of doctrine, founded only upon the Word of God and the teaching of the primitive fathers, should be framed; and if this were done, the Church might easily be brought to coalesce again into one body. Nor do I doubt that good men on both sides are so disposed that they would not only willingly proffer their opinions, but also yield their individual convictions if they should hear more weighty reasons from the other side. For it is tyrannical, and specially unbecoming in a theologian, to do that which the son reproves in the tyrant, his father, in the tragedy. He wishes, the son says, to speak but to hear nothing in reply. At present the good men who are most desirous to provide some remedy for public evils keep silence, and secretly bewail the fate of the Church, not only alarmed by fear of those in power, but crushed by a sort of despair in this so great madness of slanderers, who have become so domineering that they would suffer no one but themselves to gain a hearing."

[APPENDIX F (p. 267).

THE DREAM OR VISION OF ALESIUS CONCERNING THE DECAPITATION OF ANNE BOLEYN.

I take to witness Christ, who shall judge the quick and the dead, that I am about to speak the truth. On the day upon which the Queen was beheaded, at sunrise between two and three o'clock, there was revealed to me (whether I was asleep or awake I know not) the Queen's neck after her head had been cut off, and this so plainly that I could count the nerves, the veins, and the arteries.

Terrified by this dream, or vision, I immediately arose, and, crossing the river Thames, I came to Lambeth (this is the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace), and I entered the garden in which he was walking.

When the archbishop saw me, he inquired why I had come so early, for the clock had not yet struck four. I answered that I had been horrified in my sleep, and I told him the whole occurrence. He continued in silent wonder for a while, and at length broke out into these words, "Do not you know what is to happen to-day?" and when I answered that I had remained at home since the date of the Queen's imprisonment, and knew nothing of what was going on, the archbishop then raised his eyes to heaven and said, "She who has been the Queen of England upon earth will to-day become a queen in heaven." So great was his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst into tears.

Terrified at this announcement, I return[ed] to London sorrowing. Although my lodging was not far distant from the place of execution, yet I could not become an eye-witness to the butchery of such an illustrious lady, and of the exalted personages who were beheaded along with her.—(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 528).]

[APPENDIX G (p. 269).

THE DEPARTURE OF ALESIUS FROM ENGLAND.

As soon as the king [i.e., Henry VIII.] began to hate her [i.e., Anne Boleyn], laws hostile to the purer doctrine of the Gospel appeared. When I could not bear these with a good conscience, nor could my profession allow me to dissemble them (for I was filling the office of the ordinary reader in the celebrated University of Cambridge by the king's orders), I came to the Court, and asked for my dismissal by means of Crumwell. But he retained me for about three years with empty hopes, until it was decreed and confirmed by law that married priests should be separated from their wives and punished at the king's pleasure. But before this law was published, the Bishop of Canterbury sent Lord Pachet [i.e. Paget] from Lambeth to me at London.... He directed me to call upon the archbishop early in the morning. When I called upon him, "Happy man that you are," said he, "you can escape! I wish that I might do the same; truly my see would be no hindrance to me. You must make haste to escape before the island is blocked up, unless you are willing to sign the decree, as I have, compelled by fear. I repent of what I have done. And if I had known that my only punishment would have been deposition from the archbishopric (as I hear that my Lord Latimer is deposed), of a truth I would not have subscribed. I am grieved, however, that you have been deprived of your salary for three years by Crumwell; that you have no funds for your travelling expenses, and that I have no ready money. Nor dare I mention this to my friends, lest the king should become aware that warning had been given by me for you to escape, and that I have provided you with the means of travelling. I give you, however, this ring as a token of my friendship. It once belonged to Thomas Wolsey, and it was presented to me by the king when he gave me the archbishopric."

When I heard what the bishop had to say, I immediately caused my property to be sold, and I concealed myself in the house of a German sailor until the ship was ready, in which I embarked, dressed as a soldier, along with other German troops, that I might not be detected. When I had escaped a company of searchers, I wrote to Crumwell (although he had not behaved well towards me) and warned him of the danger in which he stood at that time, and about certain other matters. For this I can vouch the testimony of John Ales, Gregory, and the Secretary, and Pachet himself. But Christopher Mount said that Crumwell did not dare to speak to me when I was going away and soliciting my dismissal, nor could he venture to give me anything, lest he should be accused to the king, but that he would send the sum that he owed me into Germany.

The next intelligence, however, which I heard of him was that he had undergone capital punishment by order of the king; to whom he had written, when in prison, saying that he was punished by the just judgment of God, because he had loved the king more than God; and that out of deference to his sovereign he had caused many innocent persons to be put to death, not sparing your [i.e., Elizabeth's] most holy mother, nor had he obeyed her directions in promoting the doctrine of the Gospel.—(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 532-534).]

FOOTNOTES:

[In Crumwell's accounts there are payments of L5 to Alesius on each of the following dates: 4th January 1536-37, 28th March, 28th May, and 24th October 1537; of 10 merks, on 19th February 1537-38; and of L5, on 13th October 1538, to Ric. Morison, which he gave "by my lord's command" to Alesius (Letters and State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiv. part ii. 328-338).]

[Alesius arrived at Wittenberg on the 9th of July 1539, and from thence informed Crumwell that he was encouraged to hope that he would receive a post in the University there (Letters and State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. xiv. part i. 583, 584). Melanchthon wrote to the Elector's chancellor, on the 1st of December 1539, recommending him for the University of Frankfort (Corpus Reformatorum, iii. 842-844).]

APPENDIX H (p. 281).

ALESIUS' INVITATION OF MELANCHTHON TO HIS DAUGHTER'S WEDDING.

Nockau, 11 August 1557.

ALEXANDER ALESIUS AU MELANCHTHON.

S.D. Quod foelix faustumque sit. Dilectissima filia mea Anna, cui nomen in baptismo indidit bonae memoriae primogenita vestra, desponsata est honesto iuveni Martino Luxsolario (nam solem etiam pro insigni habet), doctoris Martini filio, petente id sua matre per cognatos et affines, et suadentibus communibus amicis nostris. Dictus est autem dies nuptiarum ultimus Augusti, circa quod tempus vos ad colloquium profecturum (sic) spero. Peto igitur reverenter et amanter, ut una cum honestissima coniuge vestra, genero, filia ac nepte nuptias vestra praesentia ornare velitis. Existimo autem magistrum Paulum, amanuensem vestrum, una venturum, sed tamen ut eum cum uxore invitetis meis verbis ad nuptias oro. Scitis autem summum sacerdotem et pontificem nostrum filium Dei, qui primos parentes in paradyso copulavit, et non minore magnificentia quam sapientia et potencia suam ordinationem contra sophistica et tyrannidem diaboli et multiplicem ingratitudinem nostram defendit, ut totam actionem, ita etiam invitacionem hospitum et communia officia sua presentia et primo miraculo comprobasse[t] ac monstrasse[t], quantum dilectetur (sic) istis congressibus. Nos autem parentes et amici, sponsi et sponsae, una cum eis, pro hoc officio et molestia profectionis gratitudinem pollicemur per omnem occasionem.

Ex pago Nockau postridie Laurentii 1557.

ALEXANDER ALESIUS.

Adresse: Clarissimo et ornatissimo viro d. Philippo Melanchthoni, suo praeceptori carissimo.

APPENDIX I (p. 283).

THE WORKS OF ALESIUS.

The following is a list of the published writings of Alesius, so far as I have been able to trace them:—

1. Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia, 1533. [For a full copy of the title see p. 259 n. No place, date, or printer's name is given on the title-page. This small 8vo consists of only 14 leaves. It begins: "Inclyto Regis Scotorum D. Iacobo Quinto Duci Albaniae, Principi Hiberniae & Orchadum Domino suo clementissimo Allexander Alesius S. D." At the end there is the date, "Anno. M.D.XXXIII." In Cooper's 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' (i. 239), 1542 and 1543 are given as the dates of other two editions.]

2. Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, 1533. [The full title is: "Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei Calvmnias." No place, date, or printer's name is given.]

3. Oratio de Gratitudine et Restituendis Scholis. Lipsiae (?), 1541. [In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the 'Oratio de Gratitudine' and the 'De Restituendis Scholis' are entered as separate works published in Leipsic in 1541. They may, however, have been also issued as one. In the 'Corpus Reformatorum,' xi. 251-257, is printed the "Oratio de Gratitudine M. Alexandri Alesii Scoti, Decani, in promotione Magistrorum anno M.D.XXXIV." The full title of the other is: "De Restitvendis Scholis Oratio habita ab Alexdro (sic) Alesio, in celebri Academia Fr[=a]cofordiana ad Oderam. An. M.D.XL. Mense Iunio. Francofordiae apud Ioannem Hanaw." The dedication ends: "Francofordiae ad Oderam cal[=e]dis Iunij. An. M.D.XL." There are only 19 leaves in this small tract.]

4. De Auctore et Utilitate Psalmorum. 1542.

5. De Auctoritate Verbi Dei contra Episcopum Lundensem. 1542. [See p. 264 n.]

6. Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London. [For a full copy of the title, see p. 268 n. This small 8vo black-letter tract of 46 leaves bears no place, date, or printer's name. In the British Museum Catal., Leipsic is given as the probable place of printing, and 1537 as the supposed date. Perhaps the date has been inferred from the opening sentence of the tract: "Abowt V yere agone I wrote to the noble king of Scottys the father of my contry complanning of a certen proclamacyon wherin the bisshops had forbidden the Holy Scripture to be redd in the mother tong." It is rather curious that in the Latin version this sentence runs thus; "Ante biennium scripsi inclyto regi Scotorum patri meae patriae, et questus sum de edicto quodam, quo episcopi prohibebant lectionem sacrorum librorum lingua patria."]

7. Cohortatio ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrinae Christianae defensionem. Lipsiae, 1544.

8. [De Argvmento Epistolae ad Romanos Dispvtatio prima, pvblice proposita in celebri Academia Lipsensi, et in ordinaria dispvtatione defensa, praesidente Alexandro Alesio, sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina Valenttini Papae. anno M.D.XLVII. This small 8vo tract of 8 leaves is printed in italics.]

9. Ordo Distributionis Sacramenti Altaris in Regno Angliae. 1548. [This is a translation of 'The Order of the Communion,' which has been re-printed for the Parker Society in 'The Two Liturgies of Edward VI.' In the British Museum Catal., it is mentioned that the translator's address to the reader is signed: 'A. A. S. D. Th.'—i.e., "Alexander Alesius, Scotus, Doctor Theologiae." See also Coverdale's Remains, Parker Society, p. 525 n.]

10. Epitome Catechismi D. P. Melanchthonis cui addita est expositio symboli et Orationis Dominicae. 1550.

11. Commentarius in Epistolam Primam Si Pauli ad Timotheum. Lipsiae, 1550.

12. Commentarius in Epistolam Secundam Si Pauli ad Timotheum. Lipsiae, 1551. [The exact title of this is: "In Alteram ad Timotheum Expositio. Avtore Alexandro Alesio. D. Lipsiae, excvdebat Georgivs Hantzsch anno M.D.LI."]

13. Ordinatio Ecclesiae in Regno Angliae. 1551. [This is a translation of the 'First Liturgy of Edward VI.' As a translation it is somewhat adversely criticised in the 'Liturgical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, pp. xxiv-xxvii. The full title is: "Ordinatio Ecclesiae, sev Ministerii Ecclesiastici, in Florentissimo Regno Angliae, conscripta sermone patrio, & in Latinam linguam bona fide conuersa, & ad consolationem ecclesiarum Christi, ubicunque locorum ac gentium, his tristissimis temporibus, edita, ab Alexandro Alesio Scoto sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina VVolfgangi Gvnteri. Anno M.D.LI." The copy of this 4to in the Edinburgh University Library belonged to Drummond of Hawthornden. In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' 1619 and 1690 are given as the dates of two 8vo editions.]

14. Commentarius in Epistolam S. Pauli ad Titum. Lipsiae, 1552. [The full title of this is: "Epistolae ad Titvm Expositio, in qva pleraque tractantur per quaestiones, ut a pueris facilius percipi, & retineri possint. Nulla est autem sententia in tota Epistola praetermissa, quae non sit explicata: Et de Syntaxi, & Figura sermonis, ac genuina significatione diction[=u] passim disputatur. Praelecta Lipsiae, ab Alexandra Alesio. D. Lipsiae, in officina typographica Georgii Hantzsch. M.D.LII."]

15. Refutatio errorum Andreae Osiandri de Justificatione. Wittembergae, 1552. [The full title is: "Alexandri Alesii Doctoris Theologiae diligens refutatio errorum, quos sparsit nuper Andreas Osiander in libro, cui titulum fecit: De Vnico Mediatore Christo. Edita VVitebergae ex officina Ioannis Lufftij anno 1552." In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' it is stated that an edition was also printed at Leipsic in 1553.]

16. Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Lipsiae, 1552. Basilii, 1553. [The full title is: "Commentarivs in Euangelium Ioannis, praelectvs in celebri Academia Lipsensi, ab Alexandro Alesio D. Theologo, anno Domini 1552. Cum locuplete rerum & uerborum memorabilium indice. Basileae, per Ioannem Oporinum." The colophon is: "Basileae, ex officina Ioannis Oporini, anno salutis humanae M.D.LIII. Mense Martio." This volume contains over 600 pages.]

17. Disputatio in XIIII. cap. Rom. Disputt. et Orr. aliquot Francoforti habitae 1540 et 1541. [The full title is: "In Capvt XIIII. Epistolae Pavli ad Romanos, Dispvtatio Alexandri Alesii Theologiae D. Lipsiae, M.D.XLVI." This tract of 6 leaves, with the exception of the title-page and the heading, is printed in italics.]

18. Omnes Disputationes Alexandri Alesii in Epistolam Si Pauli ad Romanos. Lipsiae, 1553. [The full title is: "Omnes Dispvtationes D. Alexandri Alesii de tota Epistola ad Romanos diversis temporibvs propositae ab ipso in celebri Academia Lipsensi, et a mvltis doctis viris expetitae, iam tandem collectae per Georgivm Hantsch, et editae in gratiam stvdiosorvm. Cvm praefatione Philippi Melanchthonis. M.D.LIII." In the British Museum Catal. Wittenberg is entered as the supposed place of publication. In the sale catal. of the Makellar Library there is the item: "Alesius (Alex. Scotus) De Paulina Argumentatione, capiti secundo ad Romanos, Ideo inexcusabilis es, o Homo quis-quis es qui Judicus (sic), Disputatio Sexta, ... s. l. anno 1549." See also supra, Nos. 8 and 17.]

19. Primus Liber Psalmorum Davidis. Lipsiae, 1550, 1554.

20. Disputationes Tres De Mediatore et Justificatione hominis. Lipsiae, 1554.

21. Responsio ad Tapperum de Missa et Coena Domini. Lipsiae. [In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' 1565 is given as the date of publication.]

22. Contra horrendas Serveti Blasphemias Disputationes Tres. Lipsiae, 1554. [These disputations were probably issued separately and were supplemented by a fourth. In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' there is the entry: "Contra Michaelem Servetum ejusque blasphemias disp. iii. Leipsic, 8vo. 1554"; and also this other: "Contra horrendas Serveti blasphemias disputatio quarta. Leipsic, 8vo. 1555."]

23. Disputatio de Perpetuo Consensu Ecclesiae. Lipsiae, 1553(?), 1556.

24. Ad libellum Ludovici Nogarolae comitis De Traditionibus Apostolicis et earum necessitate Responsio Alexandri Alesii D. Lip. 1556. [For the rarity of this tract see supra, p. 255 n. In his Introduction to Gau, Dr Mitchell gives as the alternate title: "Apostolicae institutiones a Ludovico Nogarola Com. in parvum libellum collectae et ab Alexandro Alesio in Disputationem propositae in celebri Academia Lipsiensi. Lipsiae, Excudebat Georgius Hantzsch, 1556." 8vo.]

25. Responsio ad Duos et triginta Articulos Theologorum Lovaniensium. Lipsiae, 1559. [In the sale catalogue of the Makellar Library 1545 is given as the year of publication. In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' 1549 is given.]

26. Assertio Doctrinae Ecclesiae Catholicae de Sancta Trinitate, cum confutatione erroris Valentini Gentilis. 1564 (?). [British Museum Catalogue gives Geneva, 1567.]

27. Edinburgi Regiae Scotorum Urbis Descriptio. Bannatyne Club Miscellany, vol. i. [This description of Edinburgh was sent by Alesius to Sebastian Munster for his "Cosmography," printed at Basle in 1550, and republished in 1572. There are translations of it in Mackenzie's Lives and Characters of Scots Writers, ii. 400, 401; and in Chambers' Minor Antiquities of Edinburgh; and in Hume Brown's Scotland before 1700.]

28. [Congratulatory letter to Queen Elizabeth, dated at Leipsic, 1st September 1559. The original holograph of twenty pages and a slip is still preserved. A translation of most of it is given in the Calendar of Foreign State Papers, Reign of Elizabeth, i. 524-534.]

[There are copies of Nos. 5, 12, 14, 15, 16 (1553), and 18 in St Andrews University Library; of No. 2 in the Church of Scotland Library, Edinburgh; of No. 16 (1553) in the Signet Library; of No. 8 in the Advocates'; of Nos. 2, 3 (De Restituendis Scholis), 5, 13, 16 (1553), and 17 in the Edinburgh University Library; and of Nos. 1, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16 (1553), 18, 19 (1554), 23 (1556), and 26 in the British Museum. Nos. 27 and 28 are in all important public libraries. At Laing's sale, No. 1 brought L6, 5s.; No. 2, L17, 17s.; No. 5, L6; No. 6, L4; No. 13, L10; No. 15, L5, 17s. 6d.; No. 16, L5, 10s.; and No. 18 (with which was bound up "Sarcerius de Scholasticae Theologiae Vanitate"), L6. In the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the following six items, which are not in the above list, are mentioned: "Disputatio de Justitia Dei et Justitia hominis coram Deo. Leipsic, 1553." "De utriusque naturae officiis in Christo." "De distincta Christi hypostasi." "Preface to Gardiner upon obedience. Translated from English to Latin." "De Balaei Vocatione. Translated from English." "Ordinationes Anglorum Ecclesiae per Bucerum. Translated from English to Latin." In connection with the last, see 'Liturgical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, p. xxv, n. 3.]

[ADDENDA.

Page 20. Patrick Hamilton's admission to the Faculty of Arts in St Andrews University.—The entry in the 'Acta Facultatis Artium' runs thus: "Congregatione artium facultatis, in Nouis Scolis eiusdem tenta tercio die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quarto, Magister Johannes Bafour regentium senior Collegij Sancti Saluatoris in quodlibetarium est electus; et Magister Patricius Hamiltone, abbas de Ferne, Rossensis diocesis, in facultatem est receptus."

Page 117. Two sacraments only.—In the Preface to the Book of Common Order it is said that "for the ministration of the two sacraments, our Booke giveth sufficient proofe" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 395; Laing's Knox, iv. 164). In the Confession used in the English congregation at Geneva only two are referred to (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 9; Laing's Knox, iv. 172); in "the Maner to Examine Children" their number is said to be two (Laing's Knox, vi. 344); and in Calvin's Catechism, printed with the Book of Common Order, it is emphatically declared that there are two only (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 233).

Page 121. The language of Rev. xiv. 11.—In the text of the Confession the passage runs thus: "For sik as now delyte in vanity, cruelty, filthynes, superstition or idolatry, sal be adjudged to the fire unquencheable: in quhilk they sall be tormented for ever, asweill in their awin bodyes, as in their saules, quhilk now they give to serve the devill in all abhomination" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 96, 97). As printed in Laing's Knox (ii. 120) the word "inextinguishable," and in the Acts of Parliament (ii. 534; iii. 22) the word "unstancheabill," is used instead of "unquencheable." In Dunlop, however, there is in addition, at the bottom of the page, in smaller type: "Rev. 14. 10. The same shall drynke the wyne of the wrath of God, which is poured in the cuppe of hys wrath. And he shall be punyshed in fyre and brymstone before the holy angells, and before the Lambe. And the smooke of theyr torment ascendeth up evermore, and they have no rest daye nor nyght, whyche worshyppe the beast and hys ymage."

Page 153. Readers or exhorters.—The name exhorter does not occur in the First Book of Discipline; but that "sort of readers" therein mentioned as having "some gift of exhortation" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 537; Laing's Knox, ii. 200) soon came to be known as exhorters, and are so named in various Acts of Assembly; see, for example, the Act of 1564 quoted on p. 128. They are distinguished from readers in the 'Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers,' printed for the Maitland Club; but, as David Laing has pointed out, the title of exhorter as indicating an advanced class seems to have been soon and silently dropped. "On comparing the list of the persons so styled in 1567 with that of 1574, we find some of them had become ministers, but the greater number are entered simply as readers" (Wodrow Miscellany, p. 323).

Page 233. Conference between the two parties.—Besides the three conferences mentioned in the footnote, there was another held in the early summer of 1578. The results, as recorded in the Booke of the Universall Kirk (ii. 414, 415) and in Calderwood's History (iii. 412, 413), embrace nothing about the kirk-session, beyond the perpetuity of the persons of the elders.

Page 259. Alesius at Wittenberg.—Through the influence of Luther and Melanchthon, the Elector of Saxony had conferred on Alesius the prebend of Aldenburgh. Being in greats straits for money, and having been disappointed of help otherwise, he was constrained to write from Wittenberg, on the 12th of December 1533, to Spalatinus, requesting him to obtain payment of the moiety of the prebend (Corpus Reformatorum, ii. 690, 691).

Page 261. The disputatious Cochlaeus.—On the suggestion of Melanchthon, an attack in verse was made on Cochlaeus for his injustice to Alesius; but the timorous author so dreaded Cochlaeus that, instead of writing in his own name, he personated Alesius (Corpus Reformatorum, iv. 1025, 1026).

Page 265. Erasmus and Cochlaeus.—Summaries of the letters which James V. wrote, on the 1st of July 1534, to Erasmus, to Cochlaeus, and to the King of the Romans, are in the Letters and State Papers of Henry VIII., vol. vii. p. 358.

Page 267. Alesius as a physician.—"I determined with my self to serve the tyme and to change the preaching of the crosse with the scyence of physic wherin I had a litle sight before, and thus I went unto a very well-lerned phisycian called Doctor Nicolas, which hath practised phisyk in London thes many yeares with high prayse, whose company I dyd use certen yeares, wherby I did both see and lern many things, even the principal poyntes concerning that science. In so moch that at length certen of my frindes did move me to take in hand to practise, which thing I did I trust not unluckyly" (Of the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London).

Page 268. Latimer and Cranmer.—For the opinion of Alesius on Latimer and Cranmer, see Dr Mitchell's Westminster Assembly, 1883, p. 14 n., and p. 23 n.

Page 268 n. Ales or Alesius.—Christopher Anderson may be excused for supposing that Ales was the real name of Alesius; but less can be said for those editors of State Papers and compilers of important Library Catalogues who have helped to perpetuate the error long after it was pointed out by Principal Lorimer in his Patrick Hamilton.

Page 269. John M'Alpine and John Fyffe.—From a correction which Dr Mitchell has made in his own copy of the 'Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' 1897, p. cv, it seems that he had come to the conclusion that it was M'Alpine and Macdowal, not Fyffe, who were protected by Bishop Shaxton. Cf. Lorimer's Patrick Hamilton, pp. 186, 187.]

CORRIGENDA.

P. 119, line 4 from bottom. After contained insert in.

P. 240, line 14. For oedibus read aedibus.

INDEX.

Acton, Lord, quotation from 'Lecture on the Study of History' by, 2 fn.

Acts of Parliament referred to, 15, 23, 50, 51, 53, 226, 233, 264.

Adamson, Archbishop, 102, 195, 199.

A Kempis, 3.

Alane, Alexander, 36, 239, 242 —not Ales, 268 fn., 309 —see Alesius.

Alasco, John, reference to 'Summa Doctrina' by, 109, 117 —his congregation at London, 126 —on the office of bishop, 154 —'Modus ac Ritus Excommunicationis' and 'Forma ac Ratio Public Penitentiae' by, 165.

Ales, John, 299.

Alesius, 10, 11 fn., 17, 22, 32, 33 fn., 36 et seq., 51, 75, 80, 239 et seq. —his treatise against the decree of the Scottish Bishops, 37, 259 —a miraculous escape, 240 —at College, 242 —discussions with Patrick Hamilton, 243 —his account of Patrick Hepburn, 245 —assaulted and imprisoned, 247 —his escape, 251 —at Malmoe, 255 —at Cologne, 256 —befriended by Melanchthon at Wittenberg, 259, 308 —his controversy with Cochlaeus, 260 et seq. —the intervention of Erasmus, 264 —at Cambridge, 266 —at London, 267 —his dispute with Stokesley, ib., 268 —marries Catherine de Mayne, 268 —returns to the Continent, 269 —appointed Professor of Divinity in Frankfort University, 270 —Professor in Leipsic University, 271 —the Perth Martyrs, 273 —he pleads for National Union, 275 —his public and private life, 279 —his family, 280 —his death, 281 —his theological opinions, 295 et seq. —his dream concerning Anne Boleyn, 297 —his departure from England, 298 —a letter to Melanchthon, 300 —his works 301 et seq. —prebend of Aldenburgh conferred on him, 309 —one writes in his name, ib. —he practises as a physician, ib. —his name not Ales, ib.

Allen, Edmund, 268 fn.

Anderson, Rev. Christopher, reference to 'Annals of the English Bible' by, 239, 260 fns., 268 fn., 283 fn.

Anderson, William, 53.

Anselm, 3, 17.

Arbuckill, Friar, 121 fn.

Archebald, Sir James, vicar of Lintrathin, 128 fn., 183 fn.

Argyll, the Duke of, 215.

Arminianism, discussion on, 119.

Arran, Earl of, 50 et seq., 273.

Arth, William, 35 fn.

Assembly, General, 160-162.

Augustine, 3, 119 fn.

Baillie, Principal, 138 fn.

Bain's Calendar quoted, 86 fn.

Balnaves on Justification quoted, 113 fn.

Bannatyne's Memoriales, 187 fn., 189, 192 fn., 194 fn., 198 fn., 205 fn. et seq.

Bayle, 80, 204.

Benedict XIII., 16.

Betoun, Archbishop James, 22, 24 et seq., 30 fn., 34, 42, 74, 245, 246, 262, 286, 287.

Betoun, Cardinal, 11 fn., 36, 42 et seq., 54 et seq., 57, 60, 68-74, 81, 245, 264, 273, 274, 287 —his seven children, 292.

Beza, 36, 281, 282.

Boleyn, Anne, 267 fn., 297.

'Booke of the Universall Kirk' referred to, 13 fn., 117 fn., 118 fn., 128 fn., 198 fn., 218 fn., 227 fn., 233 fn.

Borthwick, Sir John, 38 fn.

Bothwell, Earl of, 72.

Bradwardine, 17.

Brown, Mr Hume, references to 'John Knox' by, 11 fn., 55 fn., 124 fn.

Bucer, 270.

Buchanan, George, 17, 22, 40, 49, 73.

Burton's 'History' referred to, 215, 219.

Caithness, Bishop of, 198.

Calderwood, 137, 142—his 'Altare Damascenum' referred to, 137 et seq. —'History' referred to, 33 fn., et passim.

Calumnies, Popish, 202 et seq.

Calvin, 17, 80, 88, 90, 105 fn., 106 fn., 107, 112, 115, 116, 124, 125, 147, 163, 164 fn., 168, 170, 187, 204, 215, 216, 270.

Cambridge, 58, 266, 298.

Campbell, Friar, 29, 32.

Campbell of Cessnock, 16.

Catechism, Hamilton's, 8 fn., 287 —Calvin's, 103, 112 —Heidelberg, 103 —Melanchthon's, 271.

Cattley's 'Foxe' referred to, 33 fn., 39 fn., 59 fn., 70 fn., 74 fn., 268 fn.

Charters, Andrew, 41.

Church, the medieval, corruption and decay of, 7 et seq. —the reforming priests of, 12 et seq.

Cistercian Nuns, or White Ladies, at Frankfort, 125, 294.

Cochlaeus, 260 et seq., 295, 309.

Cocklaw, Thomas, 41.

Colace, William, 192.

Cole, Thos., 125 fn.

Common Order, Book of, its origin, 123 et seq. —its authority, 127 —early practice in Scotland, 128 et seq. —Knox and the English liturgy, 130 et seq. —a guide or model only, 132 et seq. —testimony of Calderwood, Baillie, Row, and Henderson, 137 et seq. —practice in other Reformed churches, 141 —its evidence on Church government, 145, 147 et seq. —on discipline, 163 et seq. —on Church members, 170.

Conaeus, 11 fn.

Confession, First Helvetic, 58, 77 —Later Helvetic, 103, 113, 147 —Westminster, 107, 110, 118, 122, 234 —of English congregation at Geneva, 107, 120 —of 1616, 117 fn., 118.

Confession of 1560, the Scottish, its preparation, 99 et seq. —alleged omission of a chapter, 101 —its character, 102 et seq. —the supreme authority of the Scriptures, 103 —the fall and the remedy, ib., 105 —the eternal decree, 107 —influence of John Alasco, 109, 117 —the effectual call, 110 —justification, 111 et seq. —notes of the True Church, 114 et seq. —the sacraments, 116 et seq. —compared with later confessions, 118 et seq., 122 —its unmeasured language, 120 et seq.

Constable's 'Major' referred to, 18 fn.

Cook, Dr George, of St Andrews, 231.

Cook, Dr, of Haddington, 231.

Cook, Procurator, 232.

Cook's 'History of the Reformation' referred to, 61 fn.

Coverdale, Miles, 150.

Craig, John, 187.

Cranmer, Archbishop, 58, 254, 266, 268, 282, 297, 298, 299, 309.

Craw or Crawar, Paul, 15.

Croc, Le, 201.

Crumwell, 37 fn., 266-268, 298-300.

Cunningham, Principal, 231 —his 'Church History of Scotland' quoted, 214.

D'Ailley, 18.

Dalgleish, Nicol, 192.

Dalrymple's 'Lesley' referred to, 28 fn.

'Dalyell's Scottish Poems' quoted, 195 fn.

D'Aubigne's 'Reformation in the Time of Calvin' referred to, 26 fn., 33 fn., 42 et seq., 48 fn., 80 fn., 239, 241 fn., 243 fn., 250.

Davidson, John, 188, 192, 197.

Declaration, the Large (or King's), 142, 143.

Discipline, the First Book of, its preparation, 99, 144 —the government of the Church, 145 et seq. —the discipline of the Church, 162 et seq. —discipline under Prelacy, 167 —the prerogatives and duties of Church members, 169 et seq. —education of the young and university reform, 174 et seq. —care of the poor, 179 et seq.

Discipline, the Second Book of, compared with the First Book, 214 et seq. —the authority of the king, 217 —the limits of ecclesiastical authority, 219 et seq. —influence of the Second Book not unmixed, 225 —its authority, 226 —its theory of the Church, 227 —institution of the presbytery, 229 et seq. —the Westminster doctrine of the Church, 234 et seq. —the ideal presbytery, 237.

'Diurnal of Occurrents' referred to, 38 fn., 39 fn.

Dore's 'Old Bibles' quoted, 91 fn.

Douglas, John, 99, 144, 193 —is made Archbishop, 198 —his parentage, 199 fn. —Principal of St Mary's College, 287, 288.

Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow, 262, 264.

Dundee, 41, 54, 60, 62-65, 71, 75, 76, 94, 158 fn.

Dundrennan, Thomas, Abbot of, 16 fn.

Dunlop's 'Collection of Confessions' referred to, 102 fn. et passim.

Durie, Mr John, 194, 206.

Ebrard, 14.

Edinburgh, 38, 41, 89, 93, 158 fn., 187, 190, 200, 239-241.

Education, 9, 174 et seq.

Edward VI., 87, 88, 130, 131.

Erasmus, 21, 24, 264, 309.

Erskine of Dun, 40, 56 et seq., 78, 94.

Ethie House, 57, 293.

Eugenius the Fourth, Pope, 17.

Exactions of pre-Reformation Church, 9, 179 et seq.

Exercise, or Prophesying, 153, 159, 170 et seq., 229.

Exhorters, 152, 153, 308.

Fachsius, Ludovicus, 271.

Farel, 125.

Felix the Fifth, 17 fn.

Ferne, 20, 307.

Fisher, Bishop, 243.

Forbes, Bishop, 10.

Fordun, 16.

Forman, Archbishop, 43 fn.

Forrest, Henry, 35.

Forret, Thomas, vicar of Dollar, 41.

Foster, John, 263 fn.

Foxe's 'Acts and Monuments,' see Cattley.

Frankfort on the Oder, 40, 88, 109, 124, 126, 149 fn., 150, 269, 270, 272.

'Frankfort, Troubles at,' 124 fn., 125.

Frith, 26.

Fyffe, John, 40, 269, 310.

Gau, Gaw, or Gall, John, 255 —his 'Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine' referred to, 33 fn., 255 fn.

Geneva, 89-91, 125, 149, 158 fn., 288.

Gerson, 18.

Gilby, Ant., 125 fn.

Gillespie, George, 158 fn. —his 'Aaron's Rod Blossoming' quoted, 222 et seq. —'Assertion of the Government' referred to, 229 fn., 232.

Glasgow martyr, 15.

Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, 130.

Gourlay, Norman, burned for marrying, 39.

Grimani, 55.

Grindal, Archbishop, 91, 150 fn., 160.

Grosteste, 17.

Grub's 'History,' 118 fn.

'Gude and Godlie Ballatis' referred to, 67, 74 fn., 76 fn.

Guise, Mary of, 11 fn., 46, 93, 94, 192.

Haag, quotation from 'La France Protestant' by, 168.

Hailes, Lord, 161.

Hamilton, Archibald, 192, 193, 202, 203, 205.

Hamilton, James, 39.

Hamilton, James, Bishop of Argyle, 20.

Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, Archbishop of St Andrews, 18, 51, 82, 146, 188, 287 —his Catechism, 8 fn., 287.

Hamilton, John, apostate, 193.

Hamilton, Patrick, 17, 19 et seq. —birth and early years, 20 —studies abroad, 21 —returns to Scotland and is received into St Andrews University, 22 —preaches the reformed faith, 24 —summoned to appear before Archbishop Betoun, 25 —escapes to the Continent, 26 —his final return to Scotland, 27 —invited to a friendly conference at St Andrews, 28 —seized and condemned, 30 —his martyrdom, 31 et seq. —sources of information, 33 fn. —effect of his death, 34 et seq., 37, 73, 75, 242, 243, 244, 275, 286, 289, 296, 307

'Hamilton Papers' quoted, 52 fn.

Hardwick's 'Reformation' referred to, 267 fn.

Harrison, quotation from article on 'Freeman's Method of History' by, 2 fn.

Hay, Mr L., Bass, 227 fn.

Hay, Principal, 11 fn., 287.

Heidelberg Catechism, 103

Henderson, Alexander, 142, 166 fn., 231 —his 'Government and Order of the Church of Scotland' quoted, 140, 237

Henry VIII., 49, 266 fn., 268, 298.

Hepburn, Bishop, 57.

Hepburn, Prior John, 242, 244, 286.

Hepburn, Prior Patrick, 36, 40, 46, 74, 244-247, 249, 250, 252, 253.

Honorius III., 161.

Hooper, Bishop, 98.

Hunter, James, 53.

Innes, Taylor, reference to 'John Knox' by, 209 fn.

James V., 23, 38, 39, 44, 46 et seq., 192, 247-249, 263 fn., 273.

James VI., 131, 143 fn., 166, 168.

Johnston, John, 281, 288.

Johnston, Rev. T. P., reference to 'Patrick Hamilton' by, 33 fn.

Kennedy, Bishop, 9, 17, 286.

Kennedy, Quintine, Abbot of Crossraguel, 127, 203.

Kincavel, 20.

Kirkcaldy of Grange, 208.

Kirk-session, or lesser eldership, 158, 232, 233, 308.

Knox, 6, 10, 11 fn., 13 fn., 18, 33 fn. —early life and education, 79 —leader of the Reformation, 80 —settles in St Andrews, 82 —called to the ministry, 83 —a galley slave, 85 —obtains release, 86 —his work among the English, ib. et seq. —five years exile, 88 et seq. —a visit to Scotland, 89 —returns to Scotland, 93 —at Dundee, 94 —preaches at St Andrews, 95 et seq. —the reformed worship established throughout Scotland, 97 et seq. —the old Scottish Confession of 1560, 99 et seq. —Knox's Liturgy, 123 et seq. —the First Book of Discipline, 144 et seq. —his last days, 184 et seq. —leaves Edinburgh, 187 —preaching in St Andrews, 188 et seq. —James Melville's impression of Knox, 191 et seq. —returns to Edinburgh, 200 —Popish calumnies, 202 et seq. —his last illness and death, 205 et seq., 216, 278.

Knox's Liturgy, see Common Order, Book of.

Laing, Dr David, 10, 22, 102 fn., 231 —his 'Knox' referred to, 13 fn. et passim —his 'Lindsay's Poetical Works' referred to, 83 fn.

Lamb, Robert, 53.

Lambert, of Avignon, 26, 27 —his 'Commentary on the Apocalypse' referred to, 33 fn.

Lang, Mr Andrew, 71.

Latimer, Bishop, 58, 268, 299, 309.

Laud's Liturgy, 133.

Lawsone, Mr James, 195, 201, 203, 205, 207.

Lay-elders, the term, 229.

Leckprevick, Robert, printer, 194, 195.

Lee, Principal, 113 fn., 231 —quotation from 'Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland' by, 115, 199 fn.

Lees, Dr Cameron, reference to 'St Giles' by, 201 fn.

Leipsic, 271, 272, 279, 281.

Lemon's 'State Papers' referred to, 37 fn., 44 fns., 69 fn.

Lesley's 'History' referred to, 24 fn., 39 fn., 85 fn., 129 fn., 192 fn. —'De Origine' referred to, 28 fn.

Leslie, Dr, of Fordoun, 60, 61 fn.

Lethington, Laird of, 101, 186.

Lindores, Laurence, Abbot of, 15.

Lindsay, Mr David, 198, 207.

Lindsay, Sir David, 10, 11 fn., 81, 83, 182 —reference to 'Tragedy of the Cardinal' by, 73.

Liturgy of Edward VI., 77, 128, 130, 131, 154 fn.

Lock, Mrs, 13 fn., 130.

Logie, Gavin, 40.

Logie, Robert, 41.

Lollards, persecution in Scotland of, 15 et seq.

Lorimer, Principal, his 'Patrick Hamilton, the first Preacher and Martyr of the Scottish Reformation,' referred to, 26, 33 fn., 310 —'Scottish Reformation' referred to, 41 fn., 69, 75 fn., 81 fn., 239, 244, 274 fn., 275, 276 fn. —'Knox and the Church of England' referred to, 77, 132 fn. —article in 'British and Foreign Evangelical Review' by, referred to, 185.

Luther, 6, 19, 21, 26, 28, 38, 67, 80, 115, 116, 163, 204, 216, 243, 254, 261, 265, 282, 295.

Lyne, John, 41.

M'Alpine, 40, 269, 310.

M'Crie, Dr, 231—'Melville' referred to, 15 fn., 195 fn. —'Life of Knox' referred to, 40 fn., 93 fn., 129 fn., 188 fn., 201, 205 fn., 281 fn.

M'Dowal, 40, 310.

M'Kenzie's 'Lives of Eminent Scotsmen,' 279.

Magdalene, Queen, 192 fn.

'Maitland Miscellany,' 120 fn.

Major, John, 17 et seq., 21, 22, 34, 79, 242, 278, 280, 286, 287.

Malmoe, 255.

Margaret, Queen, 181.

Marsillier, 57.

Mary, Queen, 11 fn., 189.

Massacre of St Bartholomew, 184, 185, 201.

Maxwell's 'Old Dundee prior to the Reformation' referred to, 63 fn., 68 fn., 69 fn. —'History of Old Dundee' referred to, 65 fn.

Mayn, Catherine de, 268.

Melanchthon, 17, 22, 26, 36, 239, 254, 259, 261, 266, 270, 271, 279, 280, 282, 300, 309.

Melville, Andrew, 216 et seq., 281, 288, 289.

Melville, James, 191 et seq., 288.

Montrose, 24, 57, 60, 62, 71, 75, 78.

Morison, Ric., 299 fn.

Morton, Earl of, 198, 199 fn., 207, 212.

Mount, Christopher, 300.

Neander, 170.

Ogilvie, Lord James, 292.

Ogilvie, Marion, 292, 293.

Order of Excommunication, 165, 166.

Osiander, Andrew, 279.

Paget, Lord, 299.

Parker, Archbishop, consecration of, 150 fn.

'Pasqvilli de Concilio Mantuano Iudicium' quoted, 61 fn.

Paul III., 286.

Perth Martyrs, the, 53, 273.

Peterkin, references to 'Records of the Kirk' by, 119 fn., 133 fn., 143 fn. —to 'Booke of the Universal Kirk' by, 218 fn., 227 fn.

Pitscottie, Lindsay of, 73 —his 'History' referred to, 24 fn., 31 fn., 33 fn., 39 fn., 192 fn.

Plague, or pest, 64, 67, 76.

Pole, Cardinal, 45.

Poor, care of, 179, 180.

Poullain, or Pollanus, 126, 127, 136 fns.

Preaching, necessity of, 151.

Presbytery, ideal, 237, 238.

Presbytery, or greater eldership, 159, 229 et seq.

Preston, Dr, 211.

Psalm Book, 120, 128.

'Psalms and Spiritual Songs,' 76.

Ranaldson, James, 53.

Randolph, Thomas, 129.

Readers, 152, 153, 172, 308.

Reformation, the, nature and need of, 1 et seq. —decay of the medieval Church, 7 et seq. —the reforming priests, 12 et seq. —precursors of the Reformation, 14 et seq. —Patrick Hamilton, 19 et seq. —Acts of 1525 and 1527 against reformed opinions, 23 —Tyndale's New Testament brought into Scotland, 24 —the oppressed and the oppressors, 34 et seq. —George Wishart, 56 et seq. —Knox as leader of the Reformation, 79 et seq. —its triumph, 97 —the Confession of 1560, 99 et seq. —the Book of Common Order, 123 et seq. —the First Book of Discipline, 144 et seq. —the last days of Knox, 184 et seq. —the Second Book of Discipline, 214 et seq. —Alesius, 239 et seq.

Regent, the Good, 185, 188, 189

Register of Privy Seal, 199 fn.

'Register of St Andrews Kirk-Session' referred to, 13 fn., 37 fn., 120 fn.

Resby, James, 15.

Richardson, John, 41.

Richardson, Robert, 41.

Robertson, John, 288.

Robertson, Dr Joseph, 10, 11 fn. —'Concilia Scotiae' referred to, 16 fn., 30 fn., 45 fn., 50 fn., 93 fn., 161 fn., 183 fn., 293.

Roger's 'Three Scottish Reformers,' 188 fn.

Rolle, Richard, 14.

Rothes, Earl of, 245.

Rough, John, 83.

Row, John, 99, 144 fn.

Row, John, of Carnock, on liturgies, 138.

Rubric, the black, 87.

Russell, Bishop, 227 fn.

Rutherfurd's 'Divine Right of Church Government' quoted, 220 et seq.

Sacraments, two, only, 116, 117, 307.

Saxony, Elector of, 271 fn.

Scipio, Marcus, 280.

Scott, John, printer, 76.

Scotus, Duns, 17.

Scriptures, reading, in vernacular, 5, 37, 38, 51, 259, 260, 264, 272, 273, 282 —Genevan version, 91, 231.

Scrymgeour, James, 253.

Sharp, Archbishop, 35.

Shaxton, Bishop, 269, 310.

Smeton, Principal, 202, 203, 205, 211.

Spalatinus, 309.

'Spalding Miscellany' referred to, 128 fn., 183 fn.

Spottiswoode, Archbishop, 133 fn. —his 'History' referred to, 10, 31 fn., 33 fn., 34 fn., 64 fn., 68 fn., 73, 146 fn., 218 fn., 227, 231.

Spottiswoode, John, superintendent of Lothian, 99, 144 fn., 198.

St Andrews, reforming priests from Augustinian Priory and College of St Leonard, 13 —University and Colleges of, 15, 19, 20, 22, 95, 96 fn., 239, 242, 285 et seq. —Major at, 18, 19, 22, 242, 286 —Patrick Hamilton at, 19, 20, 22 et seq., 29 et seq., 307 —Alesius at, 36, 242 et seq. —Wishart at, 72, 73 —Knox at, 82 et seq., 95 et seq., 188 et seq.

St Bernard, 3.

St Giles' Church, 133 fn., 201.

Staehelin's 'Johannes Calvin' referred to, 98, 114 fn.

Stanley, Dean, 202

Stevenson's 'Mary Stuart' quoted, 55 fn.

Steward, Walter, 40.

Stewart, Archbishop, 286.

Stirling martyrs, 41.

Stokesley, Bishop of London, 268, 272.

Stonehouse, 20.

Stratoun, David, 39.

Succession, Apostolic, 115.

Superintendents, 152 —wherein they differed from bishops, 155 et seq.

Sybothendorff, Damianus, 271 fn.

Tannadice, 287.

Tauler, 3.

Theiner's 'Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum' referred to, 44 fn., 45 fn., 51 fn., 54 fns.

Thorpe's 'Calendar' referred to, 44 fns.

Tilney, Emery, 58.

Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, 86.

Tour, M. de la, 19.

Tudor, Elizabeth, 92, 93, 131, 150 fn., 156 fn., 159, 300.

Tudor, Mary, 88, 92 fn.

Twopenny Faith, the, 8 fn.

Tyndale's translation of the New Testament introduced into Scotland, 24, 26.

Tyninghame, 287.

Tyrie, the Jesuit, 195, 196, 203.

Tytler, 11 fn.

Walsingham, 205 fn.

Wardlaw, Bishop, 285, 286.

Wedderburn, James, 10, 253 fn.

Wedderburn, John, 10, 18, 22, 66, 76.

Weir, Professor, article on George Wishart in 'North British Review' referred to, 70.

Westminster Confession of Faith. See Confession.

Westminster Directory for Church Government, 166 fn., 236.

Westminster Directory for Worship, 137, 142.

Whitgift, 147.

Whittingham, William, 88, 124 fn.

Wichtand, James, 68 fn.

Wied, Hermann von, Archbishop of Cologne, 145, 254, 256, 282.

Wightone, or Weighton, Sir John, 68 fn.

Williams, Thomas, 80.

Willock, John, 40, 99, 112 fn., 130, 144 fn.

Winkworth, Miss, quotation from 'Christian Singers of Germany' by, 6 et seq.

Winzet, Ninian, his 'Tractates' referred to, 11 fns., 203.

Wishart, George, 36, 41 —early education, 56 —summoned for heresy, 57 —escapes to England, ib. —converted before Cranmer, 58 —returns and enters Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, ib. —a pupil's description of him, 59 —returns to Scotland, ib. —preaches in Montrose and Dundee, 62 et seq. —his labours in Dundee during the plague, 64 et seq. —attempted assassination of, 68 —innocent of the plot to assassinate Betoun, 69 et seq. —proceeds to Edinburgh, 71 —seized at Ormiston, 72 —his martyrdom, 73 —his work, 74 et seq.

Wishart, George, bailie of Dundee, 63, 69.

Witches, prosecution of, 168.

Withof's 'Vertheidigung,' 124 fn., 294.

Wittenberg, 26, 259, 269, 300 fn., 308, 309.

'Wodrow Miscellany' referred to, 58 fn., 69 fn., 78 fn., 93 fn., 308.

Wycliffe, 3, 14, 17, 18, 37, 186, 205.

Wycliffites in Scotland, 15.

Wynram, John, 77, 99, 100, 144, 198, 287.

THE END.

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